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Wednesday, September 15, 2010

The End of Prosperity: Can Islamic Finance Help?

The End of Prosperity: Can Islamic Finance Help?

By Mahomed Shoaib Omar (Specialist Corporate & Islamic Finance Attorney)

The meltdown of the global financial system has raised profound questions of its fundamental structural reform. The downward spiral in the US and Western Europe is described by financial experts as deleveraging : the forced reduction of accumulated debt by households and financial institutions. As more assets get dumped into the market, prices are driven down further, which in turn necessitates more deleveraging. This vicious cycle has gained such momentum that even the massive bailout packages may not be sufficient to stop it. The bursting of the debt-fuelled property bubble in the US, together with the crippling losses suffered by banks, has set in motion a chain-reaction that, in a worst-case scenario, (according to Prof Niall Ferguson of Harvard) could lead to a 21st century version of the Great Depression (1).

The immediate cause of the current financial crisis appears to be the excessive and imprudent lending by banks (2). This in turn is attributed to the unbridled power of private bankers to create money out of nothing, and then to loan this bank-created money on interest (described as fractional reserve banking). In this present monetary framework, money is traded as a commodity, instead of performing its true function of operating as a medium of exchange. This system favours the rich against the industrious poor. Despite the fact that deposits are sourced from a broad cross- section of the society, their benefit goes mainly to the rich. James Robertson in “Transforming Economic Life”(3) states that:

“Today’s money and finance system is unfair, ecologically destructive and economically inefficient. The money – must – grow imperative … skews economic effort towards money out of money, and against providing real services and goods”.

A substantial proportion of this privately created bank-money is invested in speculative wagering instruments, such as derivatives based on futures, swaps, and options. Such betting instruments are not connected with transactions in the real economy. According to Prof John Gray of Oxford University, (4) derivatives have created a “virtual financial economy” which “has a terrible potential for disrupting the underlying real economy as seen in the collapse in 1995 of Barings, Britain’s oldest bank”. It is therefore no surprise that George Soros has described derivatives as “hydrogen bombs”. Warren Buffet described them as “financial weapons of mass destruction”. The Bank for International Settlements (BIS) currently estimates the notional amount of all outstanding derivatives (including credit default swaps) to be a staggering 600 trillion dollars, more than 10 times the size of the world economy. (BIS, September 2008, pg 20).

Although debt-financing cannot be ruled out, the solution lies in a shift to equity-based financing, posited on profit and loss sharing, which is the primary characteristic of Islamic Finance. In this equitable manner, economic effort would be directed at providing useful goods and services, instead of simply making money out of money. At the same time, the wide gap between the supply of money and the supply of real goods and services would be decisively narrowed. The distinguishing features and benefits of Islamic Banking were aptly summarized by the Islamic Development Bank, based in Jeddah, (established 1975) in the following words:

“Islamic banking is distinctive in two respects: concentrating on the real sector of the economy, it imparts tremendous stability to the economic system by achieving an identity between monetary flows and goods and services, and by operating on a system of profit and loss sharing in its evolved state, it insulates the society from the debt-mountain on the analogy that if the economies enter into recessionary or deflationary phases, the principles of profit and loss sharing protects the states and economic operators from the evils of accumulation of interest and minimizes defaults and bankruptcies.” (5)

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1. See generally the article entitled “The End of Prosperity” by Prof. Ferguson of Harvard, published in Time, October 13, 2008, at pages 18 to 21.

2. Dr M Umer Chapra, economics advisor to the Islamic Development Bank of Jeddah in a paper entitled “The Global Financial Crisis”. (Can Islamic Finance Help? (5/11/2008) (shorter version).

3. James Robertson, Transforming Economic Life : A Millennial Challenge, Green Books, Devon, 1998.

4. John Gray, False Dawn : The Delusions of Capitalism, Grunte Books, London, 1998, p62.

5. See the written submission of the Islamic Development Bank to the Supreme Court of Pakistan in 1999 in connection with its landmark judgment declaring all prevailing forms of interest as unlawful according to Islamic Law. The judgment was delivered on the 23 December 1999.

www.albalagh.net


Saturday, July 10, 2010

Sharia Banking

Islamic Banking and It's Chronology

(تعود جذور الخدمات المصرفية الإسلامية التي تتمحور حول قبول الودائع ورفض الربا الى أيام ar- Rasul صلّى الله عليه وسلّم). The roots of Islamic banking services that focus on acceptance of deposits and refused to usury to the days of the Prophet (peace be upon him). 
ففي ذلك الوقت، كان الناس يودعون الأموال لدى النبي محمد عليه الصلاة والسلام، أو لدى أبو بكر الصدّيق رضي الله عنه، أول خليفة للمسلمين. At that time, the people entrusted their money to the Prophet Muhammad peace be upon him, or Abu Bakr, may Allah be pleased with him, the first Caliph of the Muslims.

لكن الخدمات المصرفية الإسلامية بصورتها الحالية بدأت بالظهور في نهاية الستينات من القرن الماضي، عندما عملت عدة دول إسلامية على وضع الفكرة موضع التنفيذ. But Islamic banking in its current form began to appear at the end of the sixties of the last century, when several Muslim countries to put the idea into practice.
حيث بدأت بعض أشكال الخدمات المصرفية الإسلامية بالظهور في سبعينات القرن الماضي، لكنها واجهت عدداً من المشكلات من ناحية الإلتزام الكلي بأسس الشريعة الإسلامية. As some forms of Islamic banking services to appear in the seventies of last century, but has faced a number of problems in terms of commitment total bases of Islamic law. 

وخلال الفترة ذاتها، بدأ العمل على تطوير أسس المحاسبة الإسلامية، التي تعتبر أداة حيوية ورئيسية لنجاح المصارف الإسلامية، وتم في العام 1973 عقد أول اجتماع لمؤتمر المنظمة الإسلامية في جدة وتم التناقش والتباحث في إيقاف العمل بمعدلات الفائدة المحدّدة وابتكار أنظمة مالية جديدة ترتكز على تعاليم الدين الحنيف. During the same period, work started on developing the foundations of Islamic accounting, which is a vital tool and key to the success of Islamic banks were in 1973 held its first meeting of the Conference of the Islamic Organization in Jeddah has been discussion and discuss the discontinuation of the interest rates specified and invented new financial based on the teachings of religion religion.
وفي العام 1975 تم تأسيس بنك دبي الإسلامي كأول مصرف إسلامي متكامل، ومنذ ذلك الوقت، ظهرت العديد من المؤسسات المالية الأخرى التي ترتكز على مبدأ مشاركة الربح والخسارة. In 1975 was established by Dubai Islamic Bank's first fully fledged Islamic bank, and since that time, there have been many other financial institutions that are based on the principle of participation of profit and loss.

ولقد ارتكز النموذج النظري الأول للخدمات المصرفية الإسلامية على مبدأ المضاربة متعددة الأطراف، عبر اعتماد مبدأ مشاركة الربح بدلاً من مبدأ الفائدة على الودائع والقروض. And has been based theoretical model for Islamic banking services on the principle of speculation multilateral, through the adoption of the principle of profit-sharing principle instead of interest rates on deposits and loans.
ويمكن للمصارف الإسلامية أن تكون وسيطاً مالياً، مثل المصارف التجارية التقليدية، لكن عبر إلغاء مبدأ الفائدة من جميع التعاملات والإعتماد على الشراكة الحقيقة ومبدأ مشاركة الأرباح. Can Islamic banks as financial intermediaries, such as conventional commercial banks, but by abolishing the principle of interest from all the transactions, relying on partnership and profit-sharing.

وخلال فترة الثمانينات من القرن الماضي، لاقت الخدمات والنشاطات المالية الإسلامية اهتماماً واسعاً شمل الأكاديميين والمتخصصين. During the eighties of the last century, they received services and activities of Islamic financial interest in broad-based academic and professionals.
وبدأت العديد من الجامعات والمعاهد بتدريس أسس الخدمات المصرفية الإسلامية وتشجيع إجراء الدراسات والبحوث منها من جامعات بارزة في أوروبا وأميركا. And started many universities and colleges teach the foundations of Islamic banking services and to encourage studies and research, including from prominent universities in Europe and America.

وتم عقد الكثير من المؤتمرات والندوات في مختلف المدن العالمية مثل كوالالمبور وإسلام أباد ودكا والمنامة وجدة والقاهرة والخرطوم وسوكوتو (نيجيريا) وتونس وجنيف ولندن ونيويورك. Have been held many conferences and symposia in various international cities such as Kuala Lumpur, Dhaka, Islamabad, Bahrain, Jeddah, Cairo, Khartoum, Sokoto (Nigeria), Tunis, Geneva, London and New York.
وتخصّصت العديد من مراكز الأبحاث بالأسس الإقتصادية الإسلامية مركزة على الشؤون المالية والمصرفية. And specialized research centers, many of the foundations of Islamic economics, focusing on finance and banking. 

وقامت بعض هذه المراكز بنشر المجلات الأكاديمية المتخصّصة موفرة بذلك منصة لتبادل الأفكار ونشر المعلومات حول العالم. The deployment of some of these centers specialized academic journals, thereby providing a platform for exchange of ideas and dissemination of information around the world.
وقد تم لاحقاً تطوير الأسس الأوليّة وتنقيتها وصقلها حيث شهد مجال الودائع وضع أسس محدّدة للتعامل مع الحسابات وعمليات التمويل ورؤوس الأموال والبيانات المالية، وذلك ارتكازاً على مبادئ الإجارة والمرابحة. Was subsequently developed for the initial purification and refinement of the area where he witnessed the deposits develop specific grounds for dealing with accounts and finance, capital and financial statements, and that based on the principles of Ijara and Murabaha. 

كما تم خلال هذه الفترة تطوير التقنيات الخاصة لإطلاق المنتجات المالية وفقاً للشريعة الإسلامية، وشمل هذا الأمر اختيار شركات ومؤسسات يمكن التعامل بأسهمها كونها تتوافق مع مبادئ الشريعة. It was also during this period, the development of techniques for launching financial products in accordance with Islamic law, and this included selecting companies whose shares can handle being consistent with the principles of Sharia.
واليوم، أصبحت المصارف الإسلامية، وعلى رأسها بنك دبي الإسلامي، تشكل منافسة قوية في جميع مجالات العمل المصرفي بعد أن أزالت الصورة التي لازمتها بأنها فقط للمتعاملين المسلمين وتهدف الى تحقيق بعض الأهداف الدينية. Today, Islamic banks, led by Dubai Islamic Bank, a strong competition in all areas of banking business after it removed the image of the Haunted that it is just for clients Muslims and aims to achieve some of the goals of religion.

حيث أصبحت الخدمات المصرفية الإسلامية تتمتع بمستوى عال من التقدير وتعتبر بديلاً أكثر عدلاً وانصافاً من المصارف التجارية التقليدية، وهي تجذب المزيد من المتعاملين غير المسلمين، يحفزهم على ذلك تميّز النظام المصرفي الإسلامي. Where services have become the Islamic banking has a high level of appreciation and considered as an alternative, more just and more equitable than the conventional commercial banks, which attract more customers non-Muslims, the incentive to discriminate the Islamic banking system.


source: www.alislami.ae

Wednesday, March 3, 2010

Syariah Economics: Feasibility in Countering Global Crisis

Looking at to what has happened to the world’s economic condition, experts are seeking for solvency to counter the problem. The problem starts from the investment of sub prime mortgage in the United States done by one the Real Estate company in that country, i.e. Lehman Bro’s., who had made investments through bank loan. The company has unfortunately invest the money in a, somehow, wrong way. It is quite becoming a problem right now to the world, by that investment made by the company (the kind of investment will not be explained here as it has become a general notice of what kind of “wrong investment” was made. It will be explained in the other post).

A discourse appear to the surface, to counter the problem of Global Crisis by the implementation of Syariah Economics. Syariah Economics, in a nut shell, is a concept of economics, which somehow is sourced from the Muslims, based on Quran and Hadits, to be implemented to the human beings actual life with the base of share (it may be share of loss or share of profits. So, may it be called “win-win solution” economics system). The first problem of implementing this concept (well actually it still becomes a pro contra until today anyway) was the consideration of the source of the concept, which is Muslims. Non-Muslims sees that it may lead them to a discrimination, wherein that concept includes only something coming from the Quran. On the other side, Muslims were believed to be radical in some ways (like those terrorist acts done by them), so that Muslims were no longer trusted. Nevertheless, it has now come to the phase were this concept is seen from the objective side.

Sub Prime Mortgage

If wee see what happened to USA, the problem of sub prime mortgage, started from Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the biggest credit housing company, lend money to the bank. Bank was wrongly to not see the potential of the company to not be ably to return the money. In the actual system, loaner should supervise the asset of the company to see the feasibility of returning the money loaned. For this case, even both concepts explained that in every kinds of debts, creditor should supervise the asset of debtors. This, the first is to make sure that the money will be returned. Second, to keep the business running. In fact, if the money was not returned, business would be stocked in problem of liabilities. This happened to the bank in USA, wherein the bank merely lend the money, without a proper supervision. The company then did a so-called bad investment by establishing Mortgage Backed Security (MBS-fzm), in which is the derivation of the debt to another party. Several MBS’s was bought by Lehman Brothers company, where again it was derived with the name of Collateralized Debt Obligation (CBO-fzm). So on, it was derived until seven steps.

The problem of the derivation was such a big problem in the US. Govt and experts could not predict the real loss and the number of the money circled by that system. In such a condition, it gives direct impact to the world also, because the position of America as the central base for the economy in the whole world. As America falls down, the rest of the world falls down as well, moreover those who are dependent to America in terms of economy.

Derivation of Debt in Islamic Finance Concept

According to the holy Quran (Islams Holy Bible), in Surah Al-Baqarah; Verse 278-279; Chapter 2, that every kinds of debts may not be attributed by any kinds of interests, because it consist riba. Riba, in Islam is a sum of money in which the acceptance is based on immoral way, i.e. causing the other party’s loss or through fraud, etc. In Islamic Economics and Finance itself, as explained previously, is a system of share. The implementation of interests may cause other party’s loss, while in the other side, our profit. It is based on information disclose, all kinds of interests are known by all parties. It is an effective way of running an economy if all party has the equal share. Because, if we see what happened in the US, one party, Bank, was being ………

On the second part, in Islamic financial concepts, derivation of debt does not have any excuses. One derivation from the Creditor to the Debtors is called as Mudharabah. Mudharabah is the Islamic investment system, carried by Mudharib as the executor and Shahibul Maal as the investor who has the money.

Syariah Banking to be Implemented: Advantages

More about other concepts of Islamic Banking maybe seen in previous posts, i.e. Analisis Kelayakan Pegadaian Syariah (in Indonesian), or Mudharabah Scheme for Syariah Banking.

The features available in Syariah, win-win, may be looked vague. The debate raises that either investments, commerce, or other divisions of economy is won by the party who has higher ability in their respective fields or not….

Note: This post is not done. Author will finish the post after three days. It need research and analysis. This is published to stay along with readers which has interest in this field of research.


www.kampusislam.com

Thursday, January 28, 2010

THE CONCEPT OF MUSYARAKAH

Another solution of partnership contract than Mudharabah

Session 9

The basic rules and Features of Musharakah
Musharakah means relationship established under a contract by the mutual consent of the parties for sharing of profits and losses,arising from a joint enterprise or venture.
Investments come from all partners/shareholders hereinafter referred to as partners.
Profits shall be distributed in the proportion mutually agreed in the contract.

The basic rules and Features of Musharakah
The existence of Muta’aqideen (Partners):
Capability of Partners: Must be sane & mature and be able of entering into a contract. The contract must take place with free consent of the parties without any fraud or misrepresentation.
If one or more partners choose to become non-working or silent partners. The ratio of their profit cannot exceed the ratio which their capital investment bears so the total capital investment in Musharakah.

The basic rules and Features of Musharakah
It is not allowed to fix a lump sum amount for any of the partners,or any rate of profit tied up with his capital. A management fee however, can be paid to the partner managing the Musharakah provided the agreement for the payment of such fee is independent of the Musharakah agreement.
Losses are shared by all partners in proportion to their capital.

The basic rules and Features of Musharakah
All assets of Musharakah are jointly owned in proportion to the capital of each partner.
All partners must contribute their capital in terms of money or species at an agreed valuation.
Share capital in a Musharakah can be contributed either in cash or in the form of commodities. In the latter case, the market value of the commodities shall determine the share of the partner in the capital.

The basic rules and Features of Musharakah
The presence of the commodity: This means the price and commodity itself.
The rate of profit sharing should be determined: The share of each partner in the profit earned should be identified at the time of the contract. If however, the ratio is not determined before hand the contract becomes void (Fasid).
Therefore identifying the profit share is necessary.

Distribution of Profit
The proportion of profit to be distributed between the partners must be agreed upon at the time of effecting the contract. If no such proportion has been determined. The contract is not valid in Shari’ah.

The ratio of profit for each partner must be determined in proportion to the actual profit accrued to the business, and not in proportion to the capital invested by him. It is not allowed to fix a lump sum amount for any one of the partners, or any rate of profit tied up with his investment.

ILLUSTRATION
If A and B enter into a partnership and it is agreed between them that A shall be given Rs. 10,000/- per month as his share in the profit, and the rest will go to B, the partnership is invalid. Similarly, if it is agreed between them that A will get 15% of his investment, the contract is not valid. The correct basis for distribution would be an agreed percentages of the actual profit accrued to the business.

OBSERVATIONS
If a lump sum amount or a certain percentage of the investment has been agreed for any one of the partners, it must be expressly mentioned in the agreement that it will be subject to the final settlement at the end of the term, meaning thereby that any amount so drawn by any partner shall be treated as on account payment and will be adjusted to the actual profit he may deserve at the end of the term.
But if no profit is actually earned or is less than anticipated, the amount drawn by the partner shall have to be returned.

OBSERVATIONS
However, if a partner has put an express condition in the agreement that he will never work for the Musharakah and will remain a sleeping partner throughout the term of Musharakha, then his share of profit cannot be more than the ratio of his investment.
Sharing of loss
In the case of a loss, all the Muslim jurists are unanimous on the point that each partner shall suffer the loss exactly according to the ratio of investment. Therefore, if a partner have invested 40% of the capital, he must suffer 40% of the loss, not more, not less, and any condition to the contrary shall render the contract invalid. There is a complete consensus of jurists on this principle.

Profit is based on the agreement of the parties, but loss is always subject to the ratio of investment.

Termination of Musharakah
Musharakah is deemed to be terminated in any one of the following events:
(1) Every partner has a right to terminate the Musharakah at any time after giving his partner a notice to this effect, whereby the Musharakah will come to an end.
  In this case, if the assets of the musharakah are in cash form, all of them will be distributed pro rata between the partners. But if the assets are not liquidated, the partners may agree either on the liquidation of the assets, or on their distribution or partition between the partners as they are.

Termination of Musharakah
IN CASE OF A DISPUTE
If there is a dispute between the partners in this matter i.e. one partner seeks liquidation while the other wants partition or distribution of the non-liquid assets themselves,the latter shall be preferred, because after the termination of musharakah, all the assets are in the joint ownership of the partners, and a co-owner has a right to seek partition or separation, and no one can compel him on liquidation. However, if the assets are such that they cannot be separated or partitioned, such as machinery, then they shall be sold and the sale-proceeds shall be distributed.

Termination of Musharakah
(2)If any one of the partners dies during the musharakah, the contract of musharakah with him stands terminated. His heirs in this case, will have the option either to draw the share of the deceased from the business, or to continue with the contract of musharakah.
  (3)If any one of the partners becomes insane or otherwise becomes incapable of effecting commercial transactions, the musharakah stands terminated.

Termination of Musharakah without closing the business
If one of the partners wants termination of the musharakah, while the other partner or partners like to continue with the business, this purpose can be achieved by mutual agreement. The partners who want to run the business may purchase the share of the partner who wants to terminate his partnership, because the termination of musharakah with one partner does not imply its termination between the other partners.

Termination of Musharakah without closing the business
However, in this case, the price of the share of the leaving partner must be determined by mutual consent, and if there is a dispute about the valuation of the share and the partners do not arrive at an agreed price, the leaving partner may compel other partners on the liquidation or on the distribution of the assets themselves.

by: lecturer of FEUI

The Concept of Mudarabah

The Concept of Mudarabah

Session 9

Definition
This is a kind of partnership where one partner gives money to another for investing in a commercial enterprise.
The investment comes from the first partner who is called “Rabb-ul-Maal” (Investor) while the management and work is an exclusive responsibility of the other, who is called “Mudarib” (Working Partner) and the profits generated are shared in a predetermined ratio.

Types of Mudarabah

Al Mudarabah Al Muqayyadah
(Restricted Mudarabah)
Al Mudarabah Al Mutlaqah
(Unrestricted Mudarabah)

Al Mudarabah Al Muqayyadah (Restricted Mudarabah)

 Rabb-ul-Maal may specify a particular business or a particular place for the mudarib, in which case he shall invest the money in that particular business or place. This is called Al Mudarabah Al Muqayyadah (restricted Mudarabah).

Al Mudarabah Al Mutlaqah (Unrestricted Mudarabah)
Rabb-ul-maal gives full freedom to Mudarib to undertake whatever business he deems fit, this is called Al Mudarabah Al Mutlaqah (unrestricted Mudarabah).

However, he is not authorized to:
a) keep another Mudarib or a partner
b) mix his own investment in that particular Mudarabah without the consent of Rabb-ul Maal.

Authority of Rabb-ul-Maal

Rabb-ul-Maal has authority to:
a)  Oversee the Mudarib’s activities and
b) Work with Mudarib if the Mudarib consents.

Different Capacities of the Mudarib

Ameen (Trustee): The money given by Rabb-ul-maal (investor) and the assets required therewith are held by him as a trust.
Wakeel (Agent) : In purchasing goods for trade, he is an agent of Rabb-ul-maal.
Shareek (Partner): In case the enterprise earns a profit, he is a partner of Rabb-ul-maal who shares the profit in agreed ratio.

Capital of Mudarabah
The capital in Mudarabah may be either cash or in kind. If the capital is in kind, its valuation is necessary, without which Mudarabah becomes void.

Distribution of Profit & Loss

Distribution of Profit & Loss
Apart from the agreed proportion of the profit, the Mudarib cannot claim any periodical salary or a fee or remuneration for the work done by him for the Mudarabah.

The Mudarib & Rabb-ul-Maal cannot allocate a lump sum amount of profit for any party nor can they determine the share of any party at a specific rate tied up with the capital.

Termination of Mudarabah
Mudarabah can be terminated any time by either of the two parties by giving notice.
If Mudarabah was for a particular term, it will terminate at the end of the term.

Termination of Mudarabah means that the Mudarib cannot purchase new goods for the Mudarabah. However, he may sell the existing goods that were purchased before termination.

Distribution at Termination

If all assets of the Mudarabah are in cash form at the time of termination, and some profit has been earned on the principal amount, it shall be distributed between the parties according to the agreed ratio.
If the assets of Mudarabah are not in cash form, they will be sold and liquidated so that the actual profit may be determined.

Collective Mudarabah
“Collective Mudarabah” means a joint Pool created by many investors and handled over to a single Mudarib who is normally a juristic person.

Collective Mudarabah creates two different relationships:
Relationship between investors inter se, which is Shirkah or Partnership.

Relationship of all the investors with mudarib, which is mudarabah

When Mudarib is a Juristic Person
Who is the Mudarib?
Shareholders?
Management or Directors?
Juristic Person
Expenses of Mudarabah
Direct expenses are borne by the Mudarabah pool.
Indirect expenses are borne by the mudarib.

Running Mudarabah
Investors come in and go out at different dates
Profits are calculated on daily product basis.

Redemption before maturity
If the assets of mudarabah are in illiquid form, an investor may redeem his share by selling it to the pool..
If the assets are in liquid form, a provisional amount may be given to him subject to final settlement

by: lecturer of FEUI

If you find something wrong, unclear or the interesting one, please comment

BELOW 

Friday, January 15, 2010

Medieval Islamic Economy

As under Persian or Sassanian rule, the economy of West Asia [View map] during the Islamic period depended very heavily on trade. In the north of the Islamic Empire was the Silk Road, running across China, Tajikistan [View map] , Uzbekistan [View map] , Iran [View map] , Iran, and Syria [View map] to Lebanon [View map] , the Byzantine Empire, and across the Mediterranean [View map] to Italy. There wasn't really a road. It was just the track people went along. It led through deserts and over very high mountain passes, so it was a difficult and dangerous route.

As the name implies, silk was a very important part of what was traded along the Silk Road. But other things also traveled – from China [View map] , cotton cloth, paper, furs, lacquerwork and jade. From Africa, the Mediterranean and West Asia, traders carried gold, silver, ivory, glass, and jewels.

The Silk Road first got started during the Chinese Han Dynasty (the Parthian and Roman period in West Asia, about the time of Jesus). People all along the route soon realized they could make more money by producing the goods themselves, than by buying them. So by the 400's AD the Chinese were blowing their own glass. In the 500's AD, West Asians began to produce their own cotton (and sell it to the Romans and around the Mediterranean). By about 650 AD, Romans had learned how to produce silk. And in the late 700's AD, people in the Abbasid Empire began to produce their own paper. But trade continued all along the Silk Road anyway. The Mongol conquests of the 1200’s AD helped a lot by making one big empire out of China, India [View map] , West Asia, and all the land in between.

Traders in the Islamic Empire also controlled another very rich trade route from India to Egypt [View map] by way of the Arabian Peninsula [View map] . Most of these traders went by sea, taking advantage of the monsoon wind patterns to sail their ships. From the Mediterranean and Africa, these traders brought gold, glass, and ivory. They exchanged these things in India for cinnamon, frankincense, black pepper, and other spices, and for oranges, though by 300 AD people were beginning to grow oranges for themselves even in Italy.

But even though Islamic people made a lot of money from trade, most people in the Islamic Empire were still farmers or herders. You couldn't farm efficiently enough to feed very many people who weren't farming, so most people had to farm. The Islamic Empire was great for farmers. Some of that money from conquering people and from trade went into building new irrigation systems and new canals that helped farmers get more out of their land. And the money from trade also helped farmers get through a bad year, or even a lot of bad years in a row.

In the late 1400's AD, Portuguese explorers figured out how to sail around Africa and get to India. Even though it was a long trip, it was profitable because they didn't have to pay the middleman traders in the Islamic kingdoms. Soon most of the trade between China and India and Europe [View map] went by sea, around Africa [View map] , instead of over the Silk Road through West Asia. This was good for Europe, but very bad for West Asia.

www.historyforkids.org

Tuesday, January 12, 2010

Some Friendly Economics For The Nuclear Energy Booster Club by: Velimir Lackovic

Some Friendly Economics For The Nuclear Energy Booster Club
by: Velimir Lackovic

i



I would like to begin this brief exposition with a bizarre fairy tale that was confected by two well known energy experts, Amory Lovins and Joseph Romm, and published in Foreign Affairs (1992-93), which is the prestigious journal of the (United States) Council on Foreign Relations. It goes like this:

"For example, the Swedish State Power Board found that doubling electric efficiency, switching generators to natural gas and biomass fuels and relying upon the cleanest power plants would support a 54 per cent increase in real GNP from l987 to 2010 - while phasing out all nuclear power. Additionally, the heat and power sector's carbon dioxide output would fall by one-third, and the costs of electrical services by nearly $1 billion per year. Sweden is already among the world's most energy-efficient countries, even though it is cold, cloudy and heavily industrialized. Other countries should be able to do better.

I called that statement completely wrong the first time I saw it, while in my new energy economics textbook (2007) I suggest that it and similar contributions are misleading bunkum. For example, there are a number of questions that must be answered in detail before biomass can unambiguously be classified a large- scale fuel of choice for the near or distant future. As for renewables such as solar and wind, and probably hydrogen, they will undoubtedly increase in quality and quantity, but it will not be at the expense of nuclear.

As David Schlageter pointed out in the important forum EnergyPulse (2008), "Renewable energy sources only supplement the electric grid with intermittent power that rarely matches the daily electrical demand." He continues by saying that "In order for an electric system to remain stable, it needs large generators running 24/7 to create voltage stability. Wind and solar generation are not on-line when needed to meet energy demand, and therefore to help decrease system losses." In the promised land of wind energy, Denmark, voltage stability is attained by drawing on the energy resources of Sweden and Germany (and perhaps Norway). The Danes pay for the imported electricity, but not for the stability.

Every member of the nuclear booster club, to include myself, should make it his or her business to memorize the quotations in the previous paragraph, because they provide an excellent contradiction to the tiresome delusion that it is economically feasible to largely supplant nuclear energy with 'renewables'. They also suggest why - with electric demand on the verge of increasing faster than supply in many parts of the world - more nuclear capacity is now scheduled for introduction than at any time during the past 3 decades.

Deeper Meanings

For those readers who have been exposed to secondary school algebra, the above reference to things like voltage stability is superfluous. Sweden and Norway produce, on the average, the lowest cost electricity in the world. Norway, however, generates almost all its electricity with hydro, which is generally recognized as the lowest-cost power source, while Swedish electricity is produced in almost equal amounts by hydro and nuclear. As I show in a forthcoming paper (2008), with this as a background, elementary algebra indicates that the unit cost of Swedish nuclear power is equal to the unit cost of Norwegian (and Swedish) hydro. This is not a welcome conclusion for many pseudo-scholars.

But what about nuclear waste, which is repeatedly portrayed as a malicious and unavoidable cost of nuclear based electricity because, ostensibly, it will have to be locked up for hundreds of thousands of years? An argument that is sometimes presented however is that the costbenefit of no carbon-dioxide (CO2) emissions from nuclear facilities. For instance, the International Energy Agency has calculated that for France - the country with the largest production of nuclear energy (as a per cent of the total output of electric power) - the average person is responsible for 6.3 tonnes of carbon dioxide, which e.g. is one-third of the U.S. average. of disposing of nuclear waste is balanced by the

The cost-benefit trade-off mentioned just above is probably worth remembering, however I prefer for students (and anybody else) to inform me that France intends to treat its 'waste' as a potential fuel, and to explain why. (A similar strategy has been proposed in the UK by their energy minister.) For that reason a law has been passed in France stipulating that toxic waste is to be stored in such a way that it can be comparatively easily accessed and recycled if, at some point in the future, "new" technologies appear which will allow it to be used as a satisfactory input in the nuclear fuel cycle.

The latter provision is, as the reader might guess, partially intended to appease or possibly bewilder nuclear sceptics, because technology is already available for recycling this 'déchet', and in the event that the price of newly mined and processed uranium escalates, it would almost certainly be utilized without further debate. Of course, as noted by many comments to EnergyPulse, few persons who work with or near uranium believe that there will be a shortage of this commodity in the foreseeable future, even if the forthcoming nuclear revival eventually assumed the dimensions of a Manhattan Project.

There are occasionally long discussions of the cost of nuclear relative to the cost of renewables in the technical literature. An item that frequently appears is the capacity factors of windmills and solar generators. In simple terms, the capacity factor gives the amount of energy (in e.g. kWh) that is actually obtained, as compared to that made available if maximum output (= 'nameplate' capacity x time) were realized. It appears that in the U.S. wind generation works at maximum efficiency about one-third of the time, but this is confusing. With capacity factors between 0.25 and 0.35, the energy actually obtained as a percentage of maximum energy is less than one-half for many long periods.

It might also be useful to cite some figures for the cost of nuclear relative to gas and coal. The Economist (July 9, 2005) presents estimates from several sources for average electricity costs. For German utilities the Union Bank of Switzerland (UBS) gives 1.5 cents/kwh for nuclear, 3.1-3.8 cents for gas, and 3.8-4.4 cents for coal. Similarly, they give 1.7 cents/kwh for nuclear in the US, 2 cents for coal, and 5.7 cents for gas. The International Energy Agency (IEA), employing a discount rate of 5%, argues that nuclear is $21-31/Mwh, while gas ranges from $37-60/Mwh. Other sources (e.g. Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and Britain's Royal Institute of International Affairs) disagree, however I specifically make a practice of ignoring everything originating with the energy economists of MIT and the RIIA, especially the latter, and advise everyone reading this to do the same.

So much for cost, but what about price of nuclear electricity - especially to private enterprises and households? In the case of Sweden, the low cost of nuclear and hydro power, and fairly smart regulation, made it possible to provide electricity to the industrial sector at perhaps the lowest price in the world. This being the case, nothing is more offbeat than hearing about the "subsidies" paid the nuclear sector. Cheap electricity meant the establishment of new enterprises, and just as important the expansion of existing firms. The tax income generated by these activities, and used for things like health care and education, more than compensated taxpayers (in the aggregate) for any 'subsidies' that might have been dispensed by the government.

An antithetical situation may prevail for wind and biofuels. In Germany the energy law guarantees operators of windmills and producers of solar energy an above-market price for power for as long as 20 years. This is an explicit subsidy, although it may be both economically and politically optimal due to the reduction in greenhouse gas emissions. More important, inexpensive electricity for plug-in hybrids is made available.

A more complex subsidy involves the exploitation of biofuels. Research newly carried in the United States, and reported in the influential journal Science, claims that almost all biofuels used today result in more greenhouse gas emissions than conventional fuels if the pollution directly and indirectly caused by producing these 'green' fuels is taken into consideration. In addition, there would be a substantial loss of 'consumer surplus' throughout the world due to a likely increase in food costs. Some of the intricacies of this important issue have been examined on an elementary level by Clay Ogg (2008).

In these circumstances, it might be argued that France's total acceptance of nuclear power makes a great deal of sense. As noted in the Financial Times (October 6, 2006), nuclear power has provided "an abundance of cheaply-produced electricity, made the country a leader in nuclear technology worldwide and reduced its vulnerability to the fluctuations of the turbulent oil and gas markets." France can also supply some electricity to neighbouring countries, which helps counterbalance the short sighted and unthinking foolishness being promoted by the European Union's directors and its Energy Directorate.

Strange Behaviour

I'm a social scientist, Michael. That means I can't explain electricity, or anything like that, but if you want to know about people I'm your man.
--J.B. Handelsman in Cartoonbank.com (The New Yorker Collection, 1986)

My situation is somewhat different, Michael. I knew enough about electricity to work on power lines for the U.S. Army during a brief period, and later to design terminal installations for the U.S. Navy, but although I have taught social science (i.e. economics) in 14 universities, I am still unable to understand why so many people are willing to risk the economic futures of themselves and their families because of the drivel being put into circulation by persons with a psychotic hatred of technological excellence, although they are quite capable of enjoying its material advantages. Something to be aware of here is that the rich will never be without reliable and plentiful energy, regardless of its availability or lack thereof to the less fortunate. One of the reasons that they will never be without it is that they are fully aware of its importance.

Perhaps the clearest argument for nuclear power has been presented by Rhodes and Beller (2000), which is similar to the basic contention of this article. They say that "Because diversity and redundancy are important for safety and security, renewable energy sources ought to retain a place in the energy economy of the century to come." The meaning here is clear, especially if you add that we probably will never possess what is known in intermediate economic theory as the optimal amount of nuclear power. But they do state that "nuclear power should be central….Nuclear power is environmentally safe, practical and affordable. It is not the problem - it is one of the solutions."

Velimir Lackovic
http://www.energetika.co.yu,

Friday, January 8, 2010

Implication of sharia toward social and economy

The Social and Economic Implications of Sharia Law

by

Sam A. Aluko


horizontal rule
Introduction
1. The Governor of Zamfara State, Alhaji Ahmed Sani Yerima, proclaimed and launched Sharia Law on Wednesday, October 27, 1999, at a mammoth rally in Gusau, the capital of Zamfara State. It must be remembered that Zamfara State is one of the newest states [CREATED OUT OF SOKOTO STATE] and poorest of the six states created at the same time as Ekiti State was created out of Ondo State in October, 1996.
2. His Excellency, Sani Yerima, declared at the said launching of Sharia that it marked a landmark, not only in Zamfara State but also throughout Nigeria which has a 'majority' of Muslim population. He berated the inactivity and docility of the Nigerian Muslims in the past and that the Muslim Ummah in Nigeria had for long been dormant, inactive, and remained in a state of slumber and stupor which had given the impression that the Muslims were a silent majority. The Muslims, Yerima continued, have for long yearned for the freedom to exercise their full rights since the period that they were invaded and colonised by the British. He said that the Muslims only partially achieved victory with Nigeria's attainment of independence in 1960 but that their neglect of planning robbed them of the fruits and practices of the Islamic Order. He declared that he has enthroned Sharia as the acme of the struggles started by the fore-sighted Muslim leaders, particularly the late Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, who once proclaimed that the Muslims would not relent until the Koran was dipped in the Lagoon and in the Atlantic Coast in Lagos. It could thus be assumed that the Governor of Zamfara State was merely a forerunner to the real Sharia fundamentalists and that he floated the idea with a view to testing the pulse of the Nigerians of other faiths.
3. The Christian community across the country and the non-muslim, non-indigenes resident in Zamfara State have sharply denounced the action of not only Sani Yerima but also of the general and whole-hearted support which the action has received from leading Muslims, including the ambassadors of almost all the muslim countries in Nigeria. This is the more so, because to the majority of Nigerians, our muslim brothers had been in control of the political and administrative leadership of Nigeria, and by extension its economic policy direction, for a disproportionate period since Nigeria attained independence in 1960. If inspite of that leadership and control, Yerima now regrets the stupor and the inanity of the Muslims to practise their religion in Nigeria.
We all have cause to worry. If care is not taken and the likes of Yerima are not checkmated, the fragile but holding peace, harmony and religious freedom that had existed in Nigeria will be in great jeopardy. The "Muslim majority" may be out for a grand design either to Islamise Nigeria or throw it into a religios cataclysm that had wreaked havoc and disintegration in some multi-religious countries in some other parts of the world. We must realise that the Sharia is not just a legal system but also a way of life by which Muslim fundamentalists seek to regulate and control their entire religious, social, political, economic, and cultural actions, interactions and reactions even with non-Muslims.
4. Governor Yerima has justified his actions with sections under our 1999 Constitution (Sections 6 and 38). He has been supported by eminent Muslim lawyers even among us in South-Western Nigeria and from other states outside Zamfara. Since the Sharia issue has been with us since 1978 and it appears to be growing wings, the time is now for Nigerians to address the issue not only of what other faithfuls consider as threats to their own religion but also by trying to understand the main tennets of Sharia and its cooperant legislations. I intend to concentrate only on the Sharia as it impacts on the economic lives of not only the Muslims but also on those who interact or live with them.
The Economics of Sharia
5. Let me begin by quoting two incidents from outside Nigeria. Pakistan was created as an Islamic State out of India in 1947. In 1982, during the Military Regime of General (President) Muhammad Zia-Ul-Haq, the Pakistani entire foreign and domestic trade and its financial system and apparatus were threatend to their foundation by a Sharia court ruling. The Islamic High court judges in Pakistan ruled that a set of laws that sanctioned the charging of interest on loans was invalid because it contradicted the Koranic injunction against usury. It required the secular Supreme Court of Pakistan to upturn the judgement of the Sharia judges. In Afghanistan, the Sharia fundamentalists now forbid women from wearing white socks or high heel shoes, because they are considered sexual lucre. Music remains banned, including casettes in cars. Most forms of entertainment, like movies of any sort, are illegal, and many women, in the name of Sharia, have been prevented from not only pursuing their legitimate occupations and professions but some of them also had been driven to commit suicide, thrown into despair and depression, fled the country or driven back into a mediaeval way of life.
6. The Afghanistan men may not walk the streets unless and until they grow beard of a particular length as the Sharia says that the bear is "wealth from God" and must be worn. Men will not be awarded contracts or be employed unless they wear beard. Since almost all women are "unlucky" not to be endowed with growing beard, they are automatically and permanently ruled out of the economic benefits from the Government contracts of Afghanistan.
7. So, what Governor Sani Yerima has started and against which many Nigerians are protesting is the tip of the iceberg. What are to follow if he succeeds and if he spreads his ideology to other states of our country can only be imagined. The Sharia (Islamic) Economic Ethics and Economics are at times draconic and pervading.
Islamic Economic Ethics and Economics
8. For upwards of ten years, 1968-80, I had the opportunity to serve as one of twelve consultants to the World Council of Churches in Geneva in an organisation which we named "Advisory Committee on Technical Services (ACTS) which has nobee been renamed "Action by Churches Together (ACT)". The ACTS/ACT tried and continues to try to aid Christian churches worldwide. It was as a member of that organisation that some of us suggested that the time was ripe to intensify dialogues with our brothers and sisters of "other living faiths." One of the most prominent of the faiths is the Muslim faith. We had very close contacts with our Muslim brothers and, today, I have very important Muslim friends across the globe. I learn almost as much of the Koran as I learn and continue to learn about our Christian Bible. So, few Christians are as sympathetic to the Muslim religion as I am. Nevertheless, I never cease to let our Muslim brothers know that in the modern day and age religious fanaticism and the debasement of non-Muslim religious practitioners, including Muslim women, do more damage to the Muslim faith and the the Muslims than ever before.
The Two-Fold Nature of Islamic Economics
9. A grasp of the dualism inherent in Islam is essential for the understanding of the ideologcial basis of Islamic Economics and Islamic Economic Order.
(a) On the one hand, Islam is a monolithic religion which, like Christianity, is a set of doctrines which are supposed to be binding on the believer.
(b) on the other hand, Islam is also considered to be an official state ideology with the Islamic religion establishing the guidelines and the sets of values and thereby providing the legal basis for the entire political, social and economic spheres of the Islamic state. The Sharia regards Islam as a social order, a philosophy of life, a system of economic priniciples, a ruling order to which the Muslim believer must conform.
10. Muslims cannot, therefore, operate full Islamic law of Sharia, except in an Islamic State. So, Yerima is less than sincere, when, by launching Sharia, he denies declaring Zamfara an Islamic state. If and when the full Sharia Law becomes operational in Zamfara State in January 2000, we must accept that Zamfara has, ipso facto, become an Islamic state within the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Zamfara State would then be similar to when Christians operated a Theocratic State by which its internal contradictions had to cease when the church and state became separate and the "Protestant Ethics" ceased to be the dominant economic ethics of the modern state. The full Sharia advocates are still living in that 14-16th Century period of the Theocratic State. Just as we Christians lost the battle for theocratism to secularism, I have no doubt that the Muslims will more than lose the attempt to re-enact their own form of the Sharia State.
11. In the wake of the re-Islamisation that increased, especially since the 1970s of Ayatollah Khomeini in Iran, Islam became more associated with the idea that the capitalist and the socialist economic systems are alien to the essence of Islam and that a "third force" needs to be fashioned out, based on the Islamic concept of Justice, Fair Distrubtion of economic resources, property rights, inheritance and the right of "Will" on the death of the muslim. So Islamic economic salvation is being sought through obedience to the old traditional Islamic principles and orthodoxy. Economists have asked, and quite rightly, whether the relative economic backwardness of most of the Islamic countries today is not attributable to their desired to return to traditional, outmoded and impracticable Islamic principles, given the increasing inter-dependence in the world economy and the increasing emphasis on fundamental human rights, particularly of the women vis-a-vis their men folks.
Basic Principles of Islamic Economics
12. A major factor hindering the spirit of modern economic development in the countries where Islamic rule is sometimes seen in the Islamic belief in the doctrine of pre-destination, and even in magic which crops up in some Islamic suras of the Koran [Sura 2, line 102; Sura 7, line 117; Sura 10, lines 76-81; Sura 20, lines 37-49], though the highest authority in Islam subordinates magic to the will of God.
13. The Islamic economic ethics rejects undue concern for materialistic accumulation or excessive profit and is more concerned, or enjoined to be more concerned, with the 'lawful' acquisition of goods according to the principles of reward for work done and the social obligations to his community in the use of his wealth for the community well-being. Whether or not the injunction is obeyed is obvious to us in Nigeria today as well as in the recent past.
Contents of Orthodox Islamic Economic Thought and Practice
(i) Direct Taxes
15. Islam distinguishes between the direct taxation of Muslims and non-Muslims, tax discrimination against non-Muslims being essentially intended to encourage their conversion to Islam. Sometimes, direct levies and taxes, known as Jisyah, which are either a lump sum or a poll tax, are levied on Non-muslims but the amount of the taxes and levies are considerably reduced if and when the tax payers convert to Islam. There are four types of such direct taxes:
1. Zakat - proportiona tax of about 1/40th of 2 1/2 of income or wealth.
2. Land and yield taxes from property, 1/20th - 1/10th of value (not specifically mentioned in the Koran.)
3. Taxation of Mining and Minerals.
4. Mugataa system - community tax payments.
(ii) Indirect Taxes
16. The Indirect Taxes consist of Customs Duties, Consumption taxes and other taxes. Although not all the indirect taxes are provided for in the Koran, import duties can be and are usually levied discriminatingly between Muslims and non-Muslims or between resident Muslim indigenes and Muslim foreigners. For instance, in Iran, during the era of the Sharia fundamentalists, the following import duties were imposed on the value of imports:
(a) 10% for foreign non-muslims;
(b) 5% for indigene non-muslims
(c) 2 1/2 % for Indigene muslims. When the rates rose to 20-30%, pro-rata import duty rates were levied on foreign non-muslim importers, non-muslim indigenes and muslim indigenes. Currently, in Afghanistan, such discriminating taxes are used as instruments of conversion to Islam.
Credit, Interest Rate and the Bank Clearing System
17. Trade, money lending and credit financing in return for interest were common in Muhammad times. The prohibition of interest or Riba (from which the Yoruba word 'Riba', bribery) is thus one of the fiercest controversies in Islam. A major reason for this is the definition of interest, established at the time of Prophet Mohammed, and the interpretation to which it was later subjected to by different Islamic scholars. It is tantamount to the discriminatory usury in our Bible (Deuteronomy 23, verse 19, which says that "unto a stranger thou may lend upon usury, but unto thy brother thou shall not lend upon usury.")
18. Riba, in the sense of interest on credit extended for consumption purposes, like our Biblical interest ban on usury, was strictly forbidden for Muslims. However, if interest, in money or kind, is understood to mean profit rate, then, all recognised schools and all modern educated Islamic scholars, with very few exceptions, consider intereste to be compatible with Islamic Laws of Sharia. A loan constitutes an opportunity cost to the lender who should be compensated for the loss in use of his money. The level of interest (profit rate) is determined by the circumstances of the market and/or the rate of returns on investment. The Muslims do not term it "interest" but "profit-sharing." In commerce too, such profit-sharing is considered legal by Islam. (See Psalm 15, verse 5; Proverbs 28, verse 8 whic condemn usury. However, see Mathew 25, verse 27, Luke 19, verse 23, which seem to approve usury.) However, if the money is sleeping, as in savings or deposit account, no interest should be paid. Thus, fixed interest-bearing securities, say on treasury bills, bonds, commercial papers or deposits overseas, are not expected to yield interest under Sharia. Speculative money investments in the modern stocks and shares are regarded as gambling and are also condemned by the Sharia.
19. The possibility of creating interest-free banks crops up frequently in recent Islamic economic literature. It forms part of the re-Islamisation measures being propagated or already being adopted by some Islamic countries particularly Pakistan since 1977, inspite of its difficulty to apply and integrate into the normal banking system.
Property Law and Law of Succession
20. Property law and re-distribution are two controversial topics in Islamic economics. Private property is basically recognised by Islam in the Koran, the Sunna and the Sharia Law. However, it is subject to certain restrictions regarding the origin of the acquisition of the property and the use of the resultant income. Just distribution is proclaimed, although not between men and women or between male and female heirs to their father's property. Thus, the Koran lays it down that sons get double what daughters receve from inheritance. Not more than 1/3 of a person's wealth may be assigned in advance by means of a Will. According to Sharia Law, such Will is only valid when at least two thirds of the property left behind by the dead Muslim is assigned to charitable causes. A will favouring ony one's heirs is forbidden in the Sharia.
Distribution and Social Justice in Sharia
21. Islamic Fundamentalists rightly argue that neither hedonistic and individualistic system of capitalism nor the totalitarian collectivist system of socialism does justice to either the individual or to the community as a whole. The negative impact of large accumulaton of wealth by a few, particularly on the poor and the less privileged sectors of the population and on the less developed countries of the world, is regarded as un-Islamic, unjust and runs counter to Islamic morals and values. It violates the principles of national solidarity and common purpose which are fundamental principles of Islamic teaching. There are social imperatives to which the uses of property are subordinated. The Muslim is thus enjoined to accept restrictions in the individual use of his property in the interest of the common good. The Muslim is expected to give alms to the beggar, to the poor, and to the needy, and subscribe to or provide, according to his ability and means, for the needs of the community. This is why it is often the case that a rich Muslim builds a mosque or mosques for hism community or contributes substantially to social and community purposes. The Sharia conundrum enjoins the Muslim to follow a divine code of social justice that will justify his religious beliefs here on earth and attract for him divine favour in the life hereafter through his good works. Islam not only acclaims the good works by Muslims, it also regards good works as the main justification in the eyes of God and warns that not an iota of good works or mischief will be lost on the day of judgement. In Islam, good deeds earn merit with God, regardless of the religious adherence of their doers. Salvation consists of nothing more than good works, unlike the Christians who believe that not good works but the Grace of God leads to salvation in the life hereafter.
Conclusion
22. So long as the Islamic community remained small and its expansion was limited to the Arabian peninsular, and when economic activities were limited to the subsistence level, it was possible to control the entire behaviour of the Muslims along the lines laid down by Prophert Muhammead in the Koran, the Sunna and the Sharia.
23. As the Muslim empire expanded and its interactions with the world increased, some of the functions concentrated in the religious leaders by these Muslim revelations had to be separated, because neither the caliphs, the Bahs or the Sultans and the kings were capable of wielding complete religious and political power on their own. It became essential to hand over:
(a) administrative functions to a Prime Minister, Minister, Governor or President;
(b) Military functions to a Commander-in-Chief;
(c) Spiritual/religious functions to the Imams, the Ulama and the theologians;
(d) Judicial matters to Islamic legal officers, many of whom had to apply norms other than those provided only in the Sharia.
24. As a result, the binding , obligatory interpretation of the Koran and the Sunna along already established principles is no longer tenable, so that their re-introduction in the already mentioned condition of the Ijma remains only an idealistic but impracticable notion. Kemal Attarturk, the founder of modern Turkey, is the ideal leader and hero of the modern Islamic economy. Inspite of the fact that Turkey's population is 98% Muslim, Attarturk recognised secularity as the shortest path to rapid economic development and the protection of the minority Christians and Sikhs in Turkey. Today, Turkey is not only a modern state and the most developed in the Islamic World, it is also integrated into mainland Europe. Similarly, countries like Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Palestine, Jordan, Kuwait, Tunisia, Iran and Indonesia (the largest Muslim country in the world, of over 200 million people) have, over the years, embraced the virtues of secularity as a principle of governing a multi-religious and plural society. There are no more than 2 countries in the whole world today where strict Islamic laws and the Sharia are the "Directive Principles of State Policy." They are Afghanistan under the Taleban Muslim Movement, and to an extent, the Royal Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, both of which are not multi-religious countries. The attempt to impose Islamic monotheism in Sudan has led to a seemingly endless war between the Muslim North and the Christian South there.
25. The expanding scope and economic activities of the Islamic empire increasingly make ridicule of any attempt to return to the primordial application of the Sharia Law to regulate and promote the economic affairs of the component states of the organisation of Islamic countries.
26. In 1972, the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) was established. It consisted of 46 states with the following organs:
(i) the conference of kings and Heads of States and Governments as the supreme authority, holding a summit every three years; its Headquarters is in Saudi Arabia;
(ii) the Conference of Foreign Ministers as the main body for the adoption of resolutions of common interest. The Foreign Ministers meet annually or earlier as and when emergencies demand. Its Headquarters is in Saudi Arabia.
(iii) the Permanent General Secretariat in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, which prepares the meetings of the OIC and implements its decisions and resolutions.
The resolutions and the declarations of the OIC require 2/3 majority. They become binding for a member state only after its government has ratified them.
27. The Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) pays special attention to economic issues, for which a special department exists to encourage and ensure closer economic relations among the Islamic countries, with a view to an ultimate creation of an Islamic Common Market. The special Economic Department of the OIC has promoted two major agreements among the OIC member states.
They are:
(a) the General Agreement for Economic, Technical and Commercial Cooperation (GAETCC), signed in 1977, and which became effective in 1981, after being ratified by at least half of the OIC members;
(b) the Agreement for the Promotion, Protection and Guarantee of Investments (APPGI) among member states, signed in 1981 but became effective in 1990.
28. The other main economic institutions and agenceis set up by the OIC include:
1. Islamic Commission for Economic, Cultural and Social Affairs (ICESCSA) in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia (1975);
2. Islamic Development Bank (in Jeddah), (1975);
3. Statistical, Economic and Social Research and Training for Islamic Countries (SESRTIC), Ankara (Turkey), 1977.
4. Islamic Chamber of Commerce, Industry and Commodity Exchange (ICCICE), Karachi, Pakistan (1978)
5. Islamic Centre for Vocational and Technical Training and Research (ICVTTR), Dacca, Bangladesh (1978);
6. Islamic Foundation for Science, Technology and Development (IFSTAD), Jeddah, 1978.
7. Islamic Centre for Development and Trade (ICDT), Casablanca (Morocco), 1981;
8. Islamic Research and Training Institute (IRTI), in Jeddah, 1982;
9. International Asociation of Islamic Banks (IAIB), Jeddah, 1987;
10. Islamic States Telecommunications Union (Jeddha), 1988;
11. Islamic Shipowners Association (Jeddah) 1988;
12. Islamic Cement Union (Ankara, Turkey), 1990;
29. Nigeria remains an observer member of the OIC as our national (Federal) Government has not formally ratified the OIC membership protocols. Also, the Islamic Development Bank membership currently stands at 43, because Brunei, Iran and Nigeria are yet to accede to the membership of the Bank. WIth all these multifarious agencies in so many countries and interacting worldwide, the application of the Sharia becomes more and more ridiculous for its impossibility.
Reforms to Sharia Economics
30. Three types of reforms are necessry if Islam is to move forward economically. They are:
1. the enthronement of secular-liberal policies aimed at bringing about a homogeneous and integrated economy and society;
2. social reform which acknowledges respect for the fundamental human rights of all citizens and the religious freedom and social needs of all citizens, similar to the situations in Iraq, Egypt, Syria, Turkey and Tunisia, Jordan, Kuwait, etc. and
3. the abandonment of undue radical Islamic fundamentalism of Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan and which are incipient in Zamfara State.
There is the vital need to avoid social and political crisis in a multi-religious society where Muslims predominate. Rather, there should be an adaptation to the modern secular demands of the state and its citizens.
31. The morbid adoption of classical and unlimited Sharia Law by the Zamfara State Government is obviously a journey on the road not only to social disorder and chaos but also to economic stagnation and suicide of the state an an integral member of secular Nigerian nation. All of us should, therefore, appeal to the Government and the people of Zamfara State to limit the exercise of the Sharia Law to what the Nigerian constitution envisages, in order to avoid the ruins of the little progress made in Zamfara State since its creation in 1996.
32. It is necessary to remind our Muslim brothers that there is not much that is uniquely Sharia that has no counterpart in the Christian Bible. Like the Koran and the other Muslim books, the Christian Bible abhors adultery (Exodus 20:14, Mathew 5:27-28) and even sanctions it with the death penalty (Leviticus 20:10); stealing (Exodus 20:15); drunkenness (Deuteronomy 21; 20-21; Luke 21:34); Homosexuality (Leviticus 20:13); Murder (Genesis 9:6; Exodus 20:13); usury (Deuteronomy 23:20; Psalm 15:5); false witness (Exodus 20:16); lying (Leviticus 19:11; Psalm 31:18); belief in the day of judgement or Hell Fire (Luke 16: 19-25; Mathew 25:31-46); alms giving (Mathew 6:1-4) or fasting (Exodus 34:28; Mathew 4:2). The difference between us and our Muslim brothers is that Jesus Christ came to redeem the Christians from the brutalities of sin from which our Muslim brothers still need to be and should now be redeemed. The Christians believe that they do not live only under the law but also under the Grace of God.
33. Finally, it is incumbent on modern governments and their religious leaders and supporters to put in place such policies and programmes that will reduce, if not totally eliminate, the vices that are increasingly plaguing our country and our societies. Otherwise, we will be deceiving ourselves by using any legal system or government machineries to fight the consequences rather than the causes of the social and economic vices in our country.

Islamic banking

Islamic banking refers to a system of banking or banking activity that is consistent with the principles of Islamic law (Sharia) and its practical application through the development of Islamic economics. Sharia prohibits the payment or acceptance of interest fees for the lending and accepting of money respectively, (Riba, usury) for specific terms, as well as investing in businesses that provide goods or services considered contrary to its principles (Haraam, forbidden). While these principles were used as the basis for a flourishing economy in earlier times, it is only in the late 20th century that a number of Islamic banks were formed to apply these principles to private or semi-private commercial institutions within the Muslim community.

Contents

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[edit] History of Islamic banking

[edit] Classical Islamic banking

During the Islamic Golden Age, early forms of proto-capitalism and free markets were present in the Caliphate,[1] where an early market economy and an early form of mercantilism were developed between the 8th-12th centuries, which some refer to as "Islamic capitalism".[2] A vigorous monetary economy was created on the basis of the expanding levels of circulation of a stable high-value currency (the dinar) and the integration of monetary areas that were previously independent.
A number of innovative concepts and techniques were introduced in early Islamic banking, including bills of exchange, the first forms of partnership (mufawada) such as limited partnerships (mudaraba), and the earliest forms of capital (al-mal), capital accumulation (nama al-mal),[3] cheques, promissory notes,[4] trusts (see Waqf), startup companies,[5], transactional accounts, loaning, ledgers and assignments.[6] Organizational enterprises similar to corporations independent from the state also existed in the medieval Islamic world, while the agency institution was also introduced during that time.[7][8] Many of these early capitalist concepts were adopted and further advanced in medieval Europe from the 13th century onwards.[3]

[edit] Riba

The word "Riba" means excess, increase or addition, which correctly interpreted according to Shariah terminology, implies any excess compensation without due consideration (consideration does not include time value of money). The definition of riba in classical Islamic jurisprudence was "surplus value without counterpart." or "to ensure equivalency in real value" and that "numerical value was immaterial." During this period, gold and silver currencies were the benchmark metals that defined the value of all other materials being traded. Applying interest to the benchmark itself (ex natura sua) made no logical sense as its value remained constant relative to all other materials: these metals could be added to but not created (from nothing).
Applying interest was acceptable under some circumstances. Currencies that were based on guarantees by a government to honor the stated value (i.e. fiat currency) or based on other materials such as paper or base metals were allowed to have interest applied to them.[9] When base metal currencies were first introduced in the Islamic world, no jurist ever thought that "paying a debt in a higher number of units of this fiat money was riba" as they were concerned with the real value of money (determined by weight only) rather than the numerical value. For example, it was acceptable for a loan of 1000 gold dinars to be paid back as 1050 dinars of equal aggregate weight (i.e., the value in terms of weight had to be same because all makes of coins did not carry exactly similar weight).

[edit] Modern Islamic banking

The first modern experiment with Islamic banking was undertaken in Egypt under cover without projecting an Islamic image—for fear of being seen as a manifestation of Islamic fundamentalism that was anathema to the political regime. The pioneering effort, led by Ahmad Elnaggar, took the form of a savings bank based on profit-sharing in the Egyptian town of Mit Ghamr in 1963. This experiment lasted until 1967 (Ready 1981), by which time there were nine such banks in the country.[10]
In 1972, the Mit Ghamr Savings project became part of Nasr Social Bank which, till date, is still in business in Egypt. In 1975, the Islamic Development Bank was set-up with the mission to provide funding to projects in the member countries. The first modern commercial Islamic bank, Dubai Islamic Bank, opened its doors in 1975. In the early years, the products offered were basic and strongly founded on conventional banking products, but in the last few years the industry is starting to see strong development in new products and services.
Islamic Banking is growing at a rate of 10-15% per year and with signs of consistent future growth[11]. Islamic banks have more than 300 institutions spread over 51 countries, including the United States through companies such as the Michigan-based University Bank, as well as an additional 250 mutual funds that comply with Islamic principles. It is estimated that over US$822 billion worldwide sharia-compliant assets are managed according to The Economist.[12]. This represents approximately 0.5% of total world estimated assets as of 2005[13].
The World Islamic Banking Conference, held annually in Bahrain since 1994, is internationally recognized as the largest and most significant gathering of Islamic banking and finance leaders in the world.
The Vatican has put forward the idea that "the principles of Islamic finance may represent a possible cure for ailing markets."[14]

[edit] Principles

Islamic banking has the same purpose as conventional banking except that it operates in accordance with the rules of Shariah, known as Fiqh al-Muamalat (Islamic rules on transactions). The basic principle of Islamic banking is the sharing of profit and loss and the prohibition of riba (usury). Common terms used in Islamic banking include profit sharing (Mudharabah), safekeeping (Wadiah), joint venture (Musharakah), cost plus (Murabahah), and leasing (Ijarah).
In an Islamic mortgage transaction, instead of loaning the buyer money to purchase the item, a bank might buy the item itself from the seller, and re-sell it to the buyer at a profit, while allowing the buyer to pay the bank in installments. However, the bank's profit cannot be made explicit and therefore there are no additional penalties for late payment. In order to protect itself against default, the bank asks for strict collateral. The goods or land is registered to the name of the buyer from the start of the transaction. This arrangement is called Murabaha. Another approach is EIjara wa EIqtina, which is similar to real estate leasing. Islamic banks handle loans for vehicles in a similar way (selling the vehicle at a higher-than-market price to the debtor and then retaining ownership of the vehicle until the loan is paid).
An innovative approach applied by some banks for home loans, called Musharaka al-Mutanaqisa, allows for a floating rate in the form of rental. The bank and borrower form a partnership entity, both providing capital at an agreed percentage to purchase the property. The partnership entity then rents out the property to the borrower and charges rent. The bank and the borrower will then share the proceeds from this rent based on the current equity share of the partnership. At the same time, the borrower in the partnership entity also buys the bank's share of the property at agreed installments until the full equity is transferred to the borrower and the partnership is ended. If default occurs, both the bank and the borrower receive a proportion of the proceeds from the sale of the property based on each party's current equity. This method allows for floating rates according to the current market rate such as the BLR (base lending rate), especially in a dual-banking system like in Malaysia.
There are several other approaches used in business transactions. Islamic banks lend their money to companies by issuing floating rate interest loans. The floating rate of interest is pegged to the company's individual rate of return. Thus the bank's profit on the loan is equal to a certain percentage of the company's profits. Once the principal amount of the loan is repaid, the profit-sharing arrangement is concluded. This practice is called Musharaka. Further, Mudaraba is venture capital funding of an entrepreneur who provides labor while financing is provided by the bank so that both profit and risk are shared. Such participatory arrangements between capital and labor reflect the Islamic view that the borrower must not bear all the risk/cost of a failure, resulting in a balanced distribution of income and not allowing lender to monopolize the economy.
Islamic banking is restricted to Islamically acceptable transactions, which exclude those involving alcohol, pork, gambling, etc. The aim of this is to engage in only ethical investing, and moral purchasing.
In theory, Islamic banking is an example of full-reserve banking, with banks achieving a 100% reserve ratio.[15] However, in practice, this is not the case, and no examples of 100 per cent reserve banking are observed.[16]
Islamic banks have grown recently in the Muslim world but are a very small share of the global banking system. Micro-lending institutions founded by Muslims, notably Grameen Bank, use conventional lending practices and are popular in some Muslim nations, especially Bangladesh, but some do not consider them true Islamic banking. However, Muhammad Yunus, the founder of Grameen Bank and microfinance banking, and other supporters of microfinance, argue that the lack of collateral and lack of excessive interest in micro-lending is consistent with the Islamic prohibition of usury (riba).[17][18]

[edit] Shariah Advisory Council/Consultant

Islamic banks and banking institutions that offer Islamic banking products and services (IBS banks) are required to establish a Shariah Supervisory Board (SSB) to advise them and to ensure that the operations and activities of the bank comply with Shariah principles. On the other hand, there are also those who believe that no form of banking can ever comply with the Shariah.[19]
In Malaysia, the National Shariah Advisory Council, which additionally set up at Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM), advises BNM on the Shariah aspects of the operations of these institutions and on their products and services. (See: Islamic banking in Malaysia). In Indonesia the Ulama Council serves a similar purpose.
A number of Shariah advisory firms (either standalone or subsidiaries of larger financial groups) have now emerged to offer Shariah advisory services to the institutions offering Islamic financial services. Issue of independence, impartiality and conflicts of interest have also been recently voiced.

[edit] Islamic financial transaction terminology

[edit] Bai' al-inah (sale and buy-back agreement)

The financier sells an asset to the customer on a deferred-payment basis, and then the asset is immediately repurchased by the financier for cash at a discount. The buying back agreement allows the bank to assume ownership over the asset in order to protect against default without explicitly charging interest in the event of late payments or insolvency. Some scholars believe that this is not compliant with Shariah principles.[20][21] There is an another definition of this bai as per the Imam ibn-e-Hijam if three persons are involved in this Sale (buy back finance) than, this bai Inah change into bai Tawarruq. He defines this bai as ; suppose Zhaid is in need of 2000 Rs, and he(Zhaid)goes to Jamshed for 2000Rs,In answer to this Jamshed says I will not give u qard (Loan)instead u can buy this item for Rs 2500 from me,so Zhaid buys this item from Jamshed for Rs 2500,immediately Aslam (3rd)person buys the same item from Zhaid for Rs 2000 and take the possession of the item and handover the item to Seller i.e (Jamshed) the amount which is due to be paid to Zhaid by Aslam is now referred to seller no 1 i.e Jamshed , Jamshed after receiving back the same item from Aslam(which was sold to Zhaid for 2500)pays Zhaid Rs 2000 and writes Rs 2500 in his book against Zhaid.In this way Jamshed earns a interest of Rs 500 This is termed as bai Tawarruq .

[edit] Bai' bithaman ajil (deferred payment sale)

This concept refers to the sale of goods on a deferred payment basis at a price, which includes a profit margin agreed to by both parties. This is similar to Murabahah, except that the debtor makes only a single installment on the maturity date of the loan. By the application of a discount rate, an Islamic bank can collect the market rate of interest

[edit] Bai muajjal (credit sale)

Literally bai muajjal means a credit sale. Technically, it is a financing technique adopted by Islamic banks that takes the form of murabaha muajjal. It is a contract in which the bank earns a profit margin on the purchase price and allows the buyer to pay the price of the commodity at a future date in a lump sum or in installments. It has to expressly mention cost of the commodity and the margin of profit is mutually agreed. The price fixed for the commodity in such a transaction can be the same as the spot price or higher or lower than the spot price. (Deferred-payment sale)

[edit] Musharakah

Musharakah is an arrangement or agreement between the bank, or a capital provider, and an entrepreneur, whereby the entrepreneur can mobilize the funds of the former for its business activity. The entrepreneur provides expertise, labor and management. Profits made are shared between the bank and the entrepreneur according to predetermined ratio. In case of loss, the bank loses the capital, while the entrepreneur loses his provision of labor. It is this financial risk, according to the Shariah, that justifies the bank's claim to part of the profit.[22] The profit-sharing continues until the loan is repaid. The bank is compensated for the time value of its money in the form of a floating rate that is pegged to the debtor's profits.[citation needed]

[edit] Mudarabah

"Mudarabah" is a special kind of partnership where one partner gives money to another for investing it in a commercial enterprise. The investment comes from the first partner who is called "rabb-ul-mal", while the management and work is an exclusive responsibility of the other, who is called "mudarib".

[edit] Murabaha

This concept refers to the sale of goods at a price, which includes a profit margin agreed to by both parties. The purchase and selling price, other costs, and the profit margin must be clearly stated at the time of the sale agreement. The bank is compensated for the time value of its money in the form of the profit margin. This is a fixed-income loan for the purchase of a real asset (such as real estate or a vehicle), with a fixed rate of profit determined by the profit margin. The bank is not compensated for the time value of money outside of the contracted term (i.e., the bank cannot charge additional profit on late payments); however, the asset remains as a mortgage with the bank until the default is settled.
This type of transaction is similar to rent-to-own arrangements for furniture or appliances that are very common in North American stores.

[edit] Musawamah

Musawamah is the negotiation of a selling price between two parties without reference by the seller to either costs or asking price. While the seller may or may not have full knowledge of the cost of the item being negotiated, they are under no obligation to reveal these costs as part of the negotiation process. This difference in obligation by the seller is the key distinction between Murabaha and Musawamah with all other rules as described in Murabaha remaining the same. Musawamah is the most common type of trading negotiation seen in Islamic commerce.

[edit] Bai salam

Bai salam means a contract in which advance payment is made for goods to be delivered later on. The seller undertakes to supply some specific goods to the buyer at a future date in exchange of an advance price fully paid at the time of contract. It is necessary that the quality of the commodity intended to be purchased is fully specified leaving no ambiguity leading to dispute. The objects of this sale are goods and cannot be gold, silver, or currencies based on these metals. Barring this, Bai Salam covers almost everything that is capable of being definitely described as to quantity, quality, and workmanship.

[edit] Basic features and conditions of Salam

  1. The transaction is considered Salam if the buyer has paid the purchase price to the seller in full at the time of sale. This is necessary so that the buyer can show that they are not entering into debt with a second party in order to eliminate the debt with the first party, an act prohibited under Sharia. The idea of Salam is to provide a mechanism that ensures that the seller has the liquidity they expected from entering into the transaction in the first place. If the price were not paid in full, the basic purpose of the transaction would have been defeated. Muslim jurists are unanimous in their opinion that full payment of the purchase price is key for Salam to exist. Imam Malik is also of the opinion that the seller may defer accepting the funds from the buyer for two or three days, but this delay should not form part of the agreement.
  2. Salam can be effected in those commodities only the quality and quantity of which can be specified exactly. The things whose quality or quantity is not determined by specification cannot be sold through the contract of salam. For example, precious stones cannot be sold on the basis of salam, because every piece of precious stones is normally different from the other either in its quality or in its size or weight and their exact specification is not generally possible.
  3. Salam cannot be effected on a particular commodity or on a product of a particular field or farm. For example, if the seller undertakes to supply the wheat of a particular field, or the fruit of a particular tree, the salam will not be valid, because there is a possibility that the crop of that particular field or the fruit of that tree is destroyed before delivery, and, given such possibility, the delivery remains uncertain. The same rule is applicable to every commodity the supply of which is not certain.
  4. It is necessary that the quality of the commodity (intended to be purchased through salam) is fully specified leaving no ambiguity which may lead to a dispute. All the possible details in this respect must be expressly mentioned.
  5. It is also necessary that the quantity of the commodity is agreed upon in unequivocal terms. If the commodity is quantified in weights according to the usage of its traders, its weight must be determined, and if it is quantified through measures, its exact measure should be known. What is normally weighed cannot be quantified in measures and vice versa.
  6. The exact date and place of delivery must be specified in the contract.
  7. Salam cannot be effected in respect of things which must be delivered at spot. For example, if gold is purchased in exchange of silver, it is necessary, according to Shari'ah, that the delivery of both be simultaneous. Here, salam cannot work. Similarly, if wheat is bartered for barley, the simultaneous delivery of both is necessary for the validity of sale. Therefore the contract of salam in this case is not allowed.

[edit] Hibah (gift)

This is a token given voluntarily by a debtor to a creditor in return for a loan. Hibah usually arises in practice when Islamic banks voluntarily pay their customers a 'gift' on savings account balances, representing a portion of the profit made by using those savings account balances in other activities.
It is important to note that while it appears similar to interest, and may, in effect, have the same outcome, Hibah is a voluntary payment made (or not made) at the bank's discretion, and cannot be 'guaranteed.' However, the opportunity of receiving high Hibah will draw in customers' savings, providing the bank with capital necessary to create its profits; if the ventures are profitable, then some of those profits may be gifted back to its customers as Hibah.[23]

[edit] Ijarah

Ijarah means lease, rent or wage. Generally, Ijarah concept means selling the benefit of use or service for a fixed price or wage. Under this concept, the Bank makes available to the customer the use of service of assets / equipments such as plant, office automation, motor vehicle for a fixed period and price.

[edit] Advantages of Ijarah

Ijarah provides the following advantages to the Lessee:
Ijarah conserves the Lessee' capital since it allows up to 100% financing.
Ijarah gives the Lessee the right to access the equipment on payment of the first installment. This is important as it is the access and use (and not ownership) of equipment that generates income.
Ijarah arrangements aid corporate planning and budgeting by allowing the negotiation of flexible terms
Ijarah is not considered Debt Financing so it does not appear on the Lessee' Balance Sheet as a Liability. This method of "off-balance-sheet" financing means that it is not included in the Debt Ratios used by bankers to determine financing limits. This allows the Lessee to enter into other lease financing arrangements without impacting his overall debt rating.
All payments towards Ijarah contracts are treated as operating expenses and are therefore fully tax-deductible. Leasing thus offers tax-advantages to for-profit operations.
Many types of equipment (i.e computers) become obsolete before the end of their actual economic life. Ijarah contracts allow the transfer of risk from the Lesse to the Lessor in exchange for a higher lease rate. This higher rate can be viewed as insurance against obsolescence.
If the equipment is used for a relatively short period of time, it may be more profitable to lease than to buy.
If the equipment is used for a short period but has a very poor resale value, leasing avoids having to account for and depreciate the equipment under normal accounting principles.

[edit] Ijarah thumma al bai' (hire purchase)

Parties enter into contracts that come into effect serially, to form a complete lease/ buyback transaction. The first contract is an Ijarah that outlines the terms for leasing or renting over a fixed period, and the second contract is a Bai that triggers a sale or purchase once the term of the Ijarah is complete. For example, in a car financing facility, a customer enters into the first contract and leases the car from the owner (bank) at an agreed amount over a specific period. When the lease period expires, the second contract comes into effect, which enables the customer to purchase the car at an agreed to price.
The bank generates a profit by determining in advance the cost of the item, its residual value at the end of the term and the time value or profit margin for the money being invested in purchasing the product to be leased for the intended term. The combining of these three figures becomes the basis for the contract between the Bank and the client for the initial lease contract.
This type of transaction is similar to the contractum trinius, a legal maneuver used by European bankers and merchants during the Middle Ages to sidestep the Church's prohibition on interest bearing loans. In a contractum, two parties would enter into three concurrent and interrelated legal contracts, the net effect being the paying of a fee for the use of money for the term of the loan. The use of concurrent interrelated contracts is also prohibited under Shariah Law.

[edit] Ijarah-wal-iqtina

A contract under which an Islamic bank provides equipment, building, or other assets to the client against an agreed rental together with a unilateral undertaking by the bank or the client that at the end of the lease period, the ownership in the asset would be transferred to the lessee. The undertaking or the promise does not become an integral part of the lease contract to make it conditional. The rentals as well as the purchase price are fixed in such manner that the bank gets back its principal sum along with profit over the period of lease.

[edit] Musharakah (joint venture)

Musharakah is a relationship between two parties or more, of whom contribute capital to a business, and divide the net profit and loss pro rata. This is often used in investment projects, letters of credit, and the purchase or real estate or property. In the case of real estate or property, the bank assess an imputed rent and will share it as agreed in advance.[22] All providers of capital are entitled to participate in management, but not necessarily required to do so. The profit is distributed among the partners in pre-agreed ratios, while the loss is borne by each partner strictly in proportion to respective capital contributions. This concept is distinct from fixed-income investing (i.e. issuance of loans).[citation needed]

[edit] Qard hassan/ Qardul hassan (good loan/benevolent loan)

This is a loan extended on a goodwill basis, and the debtor is only required to repay the amount borrowed. However, the debtor may, at his or her discretion, pay an extra amount beyond the principal amount of the loan (without promising it) as a token of appreciation to the creditor. In the case that the debtor does not pay an extra amount to the creditor, this transaction is a true interest-free loan. Some Muslims consider this to be the only type of loan that does not violate the prohibition on riba, since it is the one type of loan that truly does not compensate the creditor for the time value of money.[24]

[edit] Sukuk (Islamic bonds)

Sukuk is the Arabic name for a financial certificate but can be seen as an Islamic equivalent of bond. However, fixed-income, interest-bearing bonds are not permissible in Islam. Hence, Sukuk are securities that comply with the Islamic law (Shariah) and its investment principles, which prohibit the charging or paying of interest. Financial assets that comply with the Islamic law can be classified in accordance with their tradability and non-tradability in the secondary markets.

[edit] Takaful (Islamic insurance)

Takaful is an alternative form of cover that a Muslim can avail himself against the risk of loss due to misfortunes. Takaful is based on the idea that what is uncertain with respect to an individual may cease to be uncertain with respect to a very large number of similar individuals. Insurance by combining the risks of many people enables each individual to enjoy the advantage provided by the law of large numbers. See Takaful for details.

[edit] Wadiah (safekeeping)

In Wadiah, a bank is deemed as a keeper and trustee of funds. A person deposits funds in the bank and the bank guarantees refund of the entire amount of the deposit, or any part of the outstanding amount, when the depositor demands it. The depositor, at the bank's discretion, may be rewarded with Hibah (see above) as a form of appreciation for the use of funds by the bank.

[edit] Wakalah (power of attorney)

This occurs when a person appoints a representative to undertake transactions on his/her behalf, similar to a power of attorney.

[edit] Islamic equity funds

Islamic investment equity funds market is one of the fastest-growing sectors within the Islamic financial system. Currently, there are approximately 100 Islamic equity funds worldwide. The total assets managed through these funds currently exceed US$5 billion and is growing by 12–15% per annum. With the continuous interest in the Islamic financial system, there are positive signs that more funds will be launched. Some Western majors have just joined the fray or are thinking of launching similar Islamic equity products.
Despite these successes, this market has seen a record of poor marketing as emphasis is on products and not on addressing the needs of investors. Over the last few years, quite a number of funds have closed down. Most of the funds tend to target high net worth individuals and corporate institutions, with minimum investments ranging from US$50,000 to as high as US$1 million. Target markets for Islamic funds vary, some cater for their local markets, e.g., Malaysia and Gulf-based investment funds. Others clearly target the Middle East and Gulf regions, neglecting local markets and have been accused of failing to serve Muslim communities.
Since the launch of Islamic equity funds in the early 1990s, there has been the establishment of credible equity benchmarks by Dow Jones Islamic market index (Dow Jones Indexes pioneered Islamic investment indexing in 1999) and the FTSE Global Islamic Index Series. The Web site failaka.com monitors the performance of Islamic equity funds and provide a comprehensive list of the Islamic funds worldwide.

[edit] Islamic laws on trading

The Qur'an prohibits gambling (games of chance involving money) and insuring ones' health or property (also considered a game of chance). The hadith, in addition to prohibiting gambling (games of chance), also prohibits bayu al-gharar (trading in risk, where the Arabic word gharar is taken to mean "risk" or excessive uncertainty).
The Hanafi madhab (legal school) in Islam defines gharar as "that whose consequences are hidden." The Shafi legal school defined gharar as "that whose nature and consequences are hidden" or "that which admits two possibilities, with the less desirable one being more likely." The Hanbali school defined it as "that whose consequences are unknown" or "that which is undeliverable, whether it exists or not." Ibn Hazm of the Zahiri school wrote "Gharar is where the buyer does not know what he bought, or the seller does not know what he sold." The modern scholar of Islam, Professor Mustafa Al-Zarqa, wrote that "Gharar is the sale of probable items whose existence or characteristics are not certain, due to the risky nature that makes the trade similar to gambling." There are a number of hadith that forbid trading in gharar, often giving specific examples of gharhar transactions (e.g., selling the birds in the sky or the fish in the water, the catch of the diver, an unborn calf in its mother's womb etc.). Jurists have sought many complete definitions of the term. They also came up with the concept of yasir (minor risk); a financial transaction with a minor risk is deemed to be halal (permissible) while trading in non-minor risk (bayu al-ghasar) is deemed to be haram.[25]
What gharar is, exactly, was never fully decided upon by the Muslim jurists. This was mainly due to the complication of having to decide what is and is not a minor risk. Derivatives instruments (such as stock options) have only become common relatively recently. Some Islamic banks do provide brokerage services for stock trading.

[edit] Microfinance

Microfinance is a key concern for Muslims states and recently Islamic banks also. Islamic microfinance tools can enhance security of tenure and contribute to transformation of lives of the poor.[26] Already, several microfinance institutions (MFIs) such as FINCA Afghanistan have introduced Islamic-compliant financial instruments that accommodate sharia criteria.

[edit] Controversy

In Islamabad, Pakistan, on June 16, 2004: Members of leading Islamist political party in Pakistan, the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) party, staged a protest walkout from the National Assembly of Pakistan against what they termed derogatory remarks by a minority member on interest banking:
Taking part in the budget debate, M.P. Bhindara, a minority MNA [Member of the National Assembly]...referred to a decree by an Al-Azhar University's scholar that bank interest was not un-Islamic. He said without interest the country could not get foreign loans and could not achieve the desired progress. A pandemonium broke out in the house over his remarks as a number of MMA members...rose from their seats in protest and tried to respond to Mr Bhindara's observations. However, they were not allowed to speak on a point of order that led to their walkout.... Later, the opposition members were persuaded by a team of ministers...to return to the house...the government team accepted the right of the MMA to respond to the minority member's remarks.... Sahibzada Fazal Karim said the Council of Islamic ideology had decreed that interest in all its forms was haram in an Islamic society. Hence, he said, no member had the right to negate this settled issue.[27]
Some Islamic banks charge for the time value of money, the common economic definition of Interest (Riba). These institutions are criticized in some quarters of the Muslim community for their lack of strict adherence to Sharia.
The concept of Ijarah is used by some Islamic Banks (the Islami Bank in Bangladesh, for example) to apply to the use of money instead of the more accepted application of supplying goods or services using money as a vehicle. A fixed fee is added to the amount of the loan that must be paid to the bank regardless if the loan generates a return on investment or not. The reasoning is that if the amount owed does not change over time, it is profit and not interest and therefore acceptable under Sharia.
Islamic banks are also criticized by some for not applying the principle of Mudarabah in an acceptable manner. Where Mudarabah stresses the sharing of risk, critics point out that these banks are eager to take part in profit-sharing but they have little tolerance for risk. To some in the Muslim community, these banks may be conforming to the strict legal interpretations of Sharia but avoid recognizing the intent that made the law necessary in the first place.[citation needed]
The majority of Islamic banking clients are found in the Gulf states and in developed countries. With 60% of muslims living in poverty, Islamic banking is of little benefit to the general population. The majority of financial institutions that offer Islamic banking services are majority owned by Non-Muslims. With Muslims working within these organizations being employed in the marketing of these services and having little input into the actual day to day management, the veracity of these institutions and their services are viewed with suspicion. One Malaysian Bank offering Islamic based investment funds was found to have the majority of these funds invested in the gaming industry; the managers administering these funds were non muslim. [28] These types of stories contribute to the general impression within the muslim populance that islamic banking is simply another means for banks to increase profits through growth of deposits and that only the rich derive benefits from inplementation of Islamic Banking principles.

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