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Friday, November 25, 2011

IDX: Sharia Market of Indonesia is Big

About Sharia

Indonesia as the biggest Muslim country in the world is holds an enormous market for the development of sharia finance industry. Sharia capital market, which is part of the Sharia finance industry, has an important role in increasing the market share of Sharia finance industry in Indonesia. Although its development is still new compared to the Sharia banking, Indonesia's sharia capital market is expected experience rapid growth along with significant growth in Indonesian capital Market Industry.

As far known, sharia capital market in Indonesia is associated to the Jakarta Islamic Index (JII), which only composed of 30 sharia securities listed in Indonesia Stock Exchange (IDX), whereas Sharia Securities existed in the Indonesian Sharia capital market are not only consists of 30 shares that become the constituents of JII but also consists of various types of securities. This was become more apparent after Bapepam-LK issued Sharia Securities List (DES) in November 2007. Since then, Bapepam-LK made DES as the only reference for Sharia Securities in Indonesian capital market.

According to the Regulations of Bapepam-LK Rule No IX.A.13 concerning Issuance of Sharia Securities, item 1.a.3, Sharia Securities is Securities as defined in Capital Market Law and its implementing regulations in which its contract and issuance method fulfills the Sharia Principles in Capital Market.(Includes description about the List of Syariah Securities). Read more.

Fatwa and Legal Foundation

Different from other securities, Sharia Securities need not only beside legal foundation, both in the form of regulations or laws, but also fatwa that can be used as reference to the enactment of Sharia Securities. Fatwa are needed as a basis to establish sharia principles that could be applied in the capital market. Read more.

Sharia Capital Markets Products in Indonesia Stock Exchange

  • Sharia Stock

The selection criteria of sharia stocks are based on Bapepam-LK Regulations No II.K.1 concerning Criteria and Issuance of Sharia Securities List, item 1.b.7. The regulation states that Securities in the form of shares, including sharia rights and sharia warrant, issued by Issuer or Public Company who does not declare that its business activities and management are conducted based on Sharia Principles, as long as the Issuer or Public Company fulfills. Read more.

  • Sukuk / Sharia Bonds

According to Bapepam-LK Rule No IX.A.13 concerning Issuance of Sharia Securities, Sukuk is Sharia Securities in a form of certificate or proof of ownership which have the same value and represent participation unit which is not separated from or consists of. Read more.

  • Jakarta Islamic Index

JII was initially launched by IDX (which was known as JSX at that time) in collaboration with PT Danareksa Investment Management on July 3, 2000. However, in order to generate longer historical data, the base date for the calculation of JII is using January 2, 1995 with index base number of 100. The methodology for JII’s calculation is the same that used in Jakarta Composite Index (JCI) that is based on the Market Value Weigthed Average Index using Laspeyres formula. Read more.

  • Indonesia Sharia Stock Index

Indonesia Sharia Stock Index is an Index that has been launched by Indonesia Stock Exchange (IDX) on May 12, 2012. Constituent ISSI are all of sharia stock and listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange, where at this time, they are 219 stock which is constituent of ISSI. Indonesia Stock Exchange has two stock based of Sharia Stock, they are ISSI and JII.

Milestones Sharia Capital Market Development in Indonesia

The Milestones of the development of sharia capital market in Indonesia was started on July 3rd, 2000 by the issuance of JII. Eventhough PT Danareksa Investment Management had priory launched a Danareksa Sharia on July 3, 1997, but due to the Self Regulatory Organizations (SRO) has not issued an official instrument related to Sharia Securities, the developments of Sharia capital market is not yet reckoned until the issuance of JII. Read more.


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Wednesday, August 17, 2011

Sharia Banking Conquers Europe

All over Europe Islamic banks are establishing branches, Western banks are offering Sharia-compliant financial services, and European governments are trying to outcompete each other in welcoming them. Proponents of banking along the lines of Sharia (Islamic law) claim that the Islamic banking system is “more ethical” than the West’s capitalist system. This is not true. Unfortunately, however, in our age of crashing financial markets, many Westerners – not just the traditional anti-capitalist European left – seem very eager to buy that argument.

Early this month, even the Vatican newspaper Osservatore Romanovoiced its approval of Sharia banking. “The ethical principles on which Islamic finance is based may bring banks closer to their clients and to the true spirit which should mark every financial service,” the paper said in a downright stupid and “unethical” article published on March, 4.

The article, entitled “Islamic finance proposals and ideas for the West in crisis” [pdf] suggests that the basic rules of Islamic finance could relieve suffering markets and particularly international financial systems. It says that in the current atmosphere of crisis banks should take Muslims as an example and that the Islamic finance system may pave the way for the establishment of new rules in the Western world.

Islamic or Sharia banks differ from regular banks in two major ways. As commanded in the Koran, the charging of interest is prohibited in all monetary transactions. The other defining feature of Islamic banks is that they are supervised by a board of Islamic scholars and clerics whose job it is to ensure that the banks’ activities comply with Sharia law.

Its proponents argue that Islamic banking is “ethically superior” to the capitalist principles of the “materialistic” West because, as Giovanni Maria Vian, the editor of Osservatore Romano says, Sharia banks take “the human dimension of the economy” into account.

The two dirty secrets of Islamic banking, however, are that, like all banks, Sharia banks do charge interest – they just give it another name – and that the clerics supervising the banks have ties to extremist, even terrorist, groups which work towards the Islamization of Europe and world dominance.

Helena Christofi, an expert on Sharia banking, explains that Islamic banks extend a type of Islamic “credit,” called murabaha, that shifts risk to the borrower in a manner similar to interest.

“An Islamic bank granting murabaha credit to a customer for an automobile, for example, would purchase the automobile for the customer for $15,000 and the customer would owe the bank $20,000 in a year’s time. Similarly, under the ‘diminishingmusharaka’ credit, the Islamic version of a mortgage, the bank and the customer purchase the property together. The customer must make monthly payments to the bank and pay a monthly rental fee, both based on the portion of the purchase price the bank still owns. Ironically, the interest this amounts to ranges between one and two percent higher than the interest on a conventional mortgage. Although the resale price of the vehicle and the rent paid on the house are akin to simple interest charges, the banks’ sharia boards legitimate the charges by renaming them ‘commissions’ or ‘profits.’”

The Sharia boards supervising the Islamic banks and Sharia-compliant financial services offered by regular European banks are composed of members of the European Council for Fatwa and Research. This Council is headed by Sheik Yousef Al-Qaradawi, a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood and instigator and financier of terrorism in Europe and the Middle East. Both Al-Qaradawi and the Council have expressed their hope that “Islam will return to Europe as a conqueror.”

With ever larger Muslim populations there is a growing internal demand for an “ethical alternative” to conventional banking for Muslims. A 2006 poll by Lloyds Trustee Savings Bank in Britain found that over 75% of British Muslims want Sharia-compliant banking products, while in 2005Mufti Abdul Barkatullah, Sharia adviser to Lloyds TSB and an imam at a North London mosque reported that 20% of inquiries into Islamic products at Lloyds TSB came from non-Muslims who have bought the argument that conventional capitalist banking is somehow unethical.

Alun Williams, marketing director of the Islamic Bank of Britain, established in 2004 and one of the first Sharia banks in Europe, told The Guardian (April 2, 2005):

“Our biggest appeal outside the Muslim community will be to those who feel disenfranchised by, and bitter about, mainstream banks. […] Non-Muslims are fascinated by us, the more so because we intend offering […] an ethical dimension.”

That was four years ago. Meanwhile, Islamic banking has boomed all over Europe and interest from non-Muslims has grown in the wake of the financial crisis, which some, such as the Vatican paper, claim is due to the free-market model having “grown too much and badly in the past two decades.”

Sharia principles, however, not only prohibit the collection and payment of interest and investing in companies involved in gambling, alcohol, tobacco, pornography and the production of pork, but also forbid women from opening bank accounts without their husband’s approval. How “ethical” the latter is for the non-Muslims “fascinated” by Sharia banking is unclear. However, Western banks offering Sharia-compliant services to non-Muslims do not seem to insist on barring women. According to Christofi,

“The justification for replacing capitalism with the Islamic model is based on an intentional corruption of Sharia law, but the banks’ clerics don’t seem to mind undermining their theological philosophy, since the ethical image their misrepresentation has created for Islamic banking has managed to spread Islamic ideology to non-Muslims in Britain. According to Al-Qaradawi, Islam’s ideological infiltration into the West will be the vehicle through which it will establish an Islamic government over the entire globe.”

Although Al-Qaradawi and other members of the European Council for Fatwa and Research are connected to Islamist circles, the British government continues to promote the UK as a hub for Islamic banking. Western governments welcome Sharia-compliant banking because of the huge sums this attracts from Muslim immigrants, “ethically”-driven non-Muslims, and investors from Muslim countries.

In December 2008, the French Senate looked at ways to eliminate legal hurdles for Islamic financial services and products in France. French Finance Minister Christine Lagarde announced France’s intention to make Paris “the capital of Islamic finance” and said several Islamic banks would open branches in the French capital in 2009. French sources estimate this area of the financial market is worth from 500 to 600 billion dollars and could grow by an average 11 percent a year.

In July 2007, Wouter Bos, the Dutch Finance Minister (and leader of the Dutch Labour Party), said the Dutch government actively encourages Islamic banking, despite the risk that this acts as a Trojan horse in the Western banking system for groups linked to terrorists.

“In the first place because Islamic banking meets a demand from the Muslims living in the Netherlands. In the second place because we see an opportunity here for the Dutch financial sector. A third reason is that banning Islamic banking from the perspective of fighting terrorism will have a counter-productive effect. Denial of an actual need can lead to money-flows running via alternative channels out of the sight of the government.”

Switzerland, too, wants its share of Sharia banking. Years ago, Swiss banks already opened branches in the Middle East, offering worldwide Sharia-compliant financial products to wealthy Arabs.

In October 2006, the Swiss authorities granted a banking license to the first Switzerland-based bank that operates according to Sharia principles. Others have followed. “There are simply not enough financial products being created in the West for Muslim clients,” says John Sandwick, managing director of Swiss asset management firm Encore Management. “If no effort is made whatsoever, I am afraid the world will pass Switzerland by in the race to control the rich prize: which today is worth hundreds of billions, but in the future will be trillions of dollars of Islamic wealth.” Michael Fouad Chahine of Credit Suisse says “The development of Islamic banking has so far been limited to countries with a higher percentage of Muslims. But this is changing as more international regulators accept the importance of Sharia. It is now also accepted as socially responsible banking.”

How “socially responsible” and “ethical” is it to try to grab a share of the billions of dollars amassed by rich Arabs, while turning a blind eye to the fact that a substantial part of the money is used to promote terrorism and the establishment of an Islamic government over the entire globe?

In one of his sermons, Sheikh Al-Qaradhawi, one of the supervisors of the Sharia-compliant financial services offered in Britain, speaks of “the conquest of Rome.” In view of the recent article of the Osservatore Romano, Al-Qaradhawi’s words sound rather ominous:

“The city of Hirqil [Constantinople] was conquered by the young 23-year-old Ottoman Muhammad bin Morad, known in history as Muhammad the Conqueror, in 1453. The other city, Romiyya [Rome], remains, and we hope and believe [that it too will be conquered]. This means that Islam will return to Europe as a conqueror and victor, after being expelled from it twice […]. In one of my previous programs, I said that I think that this conquest [of Rome] would not be by the sword or armies, but by preaching and ideology. Europe will see that it suffers from materialistic culture, and will seek an alternative, it will seek a way out, it will seek a lifeboat. It will find no lifesaver but the message of Islam.”

Will the Vatican Bank be the next to go Sharia?


www.brusselsjournal.com

Saturday, April 30, 2011

Role of Fiscal Policy in Controlling Inflation in Islamic Framework


Introduction
A focus on inflation presumes inflation is high. The situation in the developed countries has, however, changed recently, provoking some to proclaim the death of inflation. The situation in the developing countries remains worrisome but, excepting a few countries, no longer alarming. So what is the need for discussing the role of fiscal policy in controlling inflation, in Islamic framework? Two reasons to do so. Firstly, to reassure ourselves, and those who care that this problem too can be handled in Islamic way if and when the need arises. Secondly, insofar as the Islamic developing countries are concerned inflation remains high enough to press for a solution.
In what follows we define inflation. Then we describe fiscal policy and explain what is meant by Islamic framework. We note some characteristics of fiscal policy which make it less effective in controlling inflation once it is there even though it can be an effective tool for preventing inflation from occurring. Briefly mentioning other faster acting ways of controlling inflation we also have a glance at Islamic history, how price rises were handled. In conclusion we prefer a fiscal policy oriented towards supply augmentation over the one focused on demand management.
Inflation
Inflation refers to 'a sustained upward trend in the level of prices', its most common measure being the percentage rate of change in a country's Consumer Prices Index. This is, however, regarded by some as a monetary definition, a better way to understand inflation being to focus on aggregate demand overstepping aggregate supply at full capacity. Yet what is visible to the eye remains the same: prices rise and continue rising.
A small rise in prices may go unnoticed in many countries even though it is sufficient to jolt an advanced economy which has been fairly stable in the past. But an annual rise in prices of 10 percent or more is considered serious any where and every where. But what causes real concern in developing countries is double digit inflation with no signs of slowing down.
Why the concern? Because it hurts. For most people incomes do not rise paripassu with the rise in prices. They can consume less, save less. They find planning for the future more difficult because of the greater uncertainty about future prices. The more the uncertainty about the future prices the more deleterious the effect on savings and investment. Inflation distorts the distribution of income and wealth to the disadvantage of the poor. It also stunts real growth due to its negative effects on saving and investment. Economists have established a negative relationship between inflation (even at a moderate rate) and growth of productivity.
Fiscal Policy
Fiscal policy involves government expenditure and revenue, through taxes, borrowing and printing money. Anti inflationary fiscal policy would focus on with- drawing purchasing power from the public so that they spend less, relieving the upward pressure on prices. This can be done by raising taxes and borrowing from the public without spending the proceeds. As the origin of inflation in most developing countries has been increasing government claim on productive resources (required for public sector projects), a decrease in government expenditure leaving taxes undiminished may still be more effective. Fiscal policy is regarded as 'deliberate manipulation of the relation between government expenditure and government receipts with a view to maneuvering the level of aggregate demand in the desired direction.
Manipulation of aggregate demand is not the only way fiscal policy can target inflation. Spending money in a way that increases the supply of goods and services can also help governments check the rising trend in prices.
It has been rightly observed that inflation as we know it (i.e. a sustained rise in prices) is a modern phenomenon. The price level was stable for nearly a century till 1914. But a number of factors, among which debt financing of the two world wars was only one, caused most countries to experience rising prices since the middle of the century till the eighties. The same period also saw a phenomenal rise in public spending which globally reached 43% of the GDP by 1980. As a result inflation is commonly perceived as a consequence of rising public expenditure. This, however, may not always be true. One has to examine specific cases to arrive at a conclusion.
The Islamic Framework
The Islamic framework within which this study examines the role of fiscal policy in controlling inflation is defined, in the first instance, by the goals of an Islamic economy. It is need fulfillment, justice and equity. Also included in these goals is to provide the state with the means required for defense, law and order and fulfillment of other socially obligatory duties (furud kifaya) which the private sector fails to fulfill. In the context of money, finance and government policies the Islamic framework can be further specified by prohibition of interest and gambling, minimization of hazard and uncertainty and keeping government intervention in the market limited to what is necessary for the realization of the above mentioned goals. Furthermore can be mentioned the concept of moderation in consumption and treating public money as a trust which have an impact on our subject matter. That there is a role for fiscal policy in realizing the goals of an Islamic state is quite obvious. But that is not our subject in this study. What needs emphasis is that anti inflationary fiscal policy should not jeopardize the long term arrangements for realizing the goals of Shari'ah. But before we proceed to examine the scope for such policies we have to note another dimension of the matter which shall not be discussed by us: the hypothat the full implementation of Islamic teachings, i.e. the operationalisation of the 'Islamic framework' noted above, will prevent inflation or at the least, minimize its incidence. This is due to the presence of several 'built in stabilizers' in the system.
The hypothesis is supported mainly, by four arguments.
  1. In the Islamic economic system debt financing which is the chief source of inflation and instability in the contemporary economies will have been replaced by equity and sharing based finance which are non inflationary and stable. The change from debt finance to share finance also integrates saving and investment decisions making the system more stable than its capitalist counterpart.
  2. Thanks to Zakat, inheritance laws and other redistributive provisions, Islam will effect a less unequal distribution of income and wealth (as compared to the same economy under capitalism). This will change the composition of aggregate demand in favour of the necessities of life thereby reducing the fluctuations in aggregate demand.
  3. Islam will induce people to moderation in consumption, to shun wasteful life styles and conspicuous consumption. This will result in a decrease in aggregate demand.
  4. Islamic governments, treating public money as trust will be frugal, keeping public expenditure within the bounds set by the available means. Public borrowing will be minimum and deficit financing rare. Financing public expenditure by printing new money will be almost non existent.
It is not necessary to examine this hypothesis in a discussion on the role of fiscal policy in controlling inflation. Since the possibility of inflation in an Islamic economy is not denied3 and since it is very likely that an Islamizing regime inherits inflation from the earlier regime, it would be quite logical for us to narrow down our focus on control as distinct from prevention. This is still the more credible a methodology in view of a third and more compelling reason. Inflation may impose itself on an economy from outside, caused by global moves beyond its control, especially if it is a small economy. What follows is, therefore, not affected by one's acceptance or rejection of some or all of these arguments. Those who take the hypothesis skeptically due to lack to empirical evidence will, of course, find the subsequent arguments more compelling. But those who whole-heartedly support the hypothesis will also find good reason to attach due weight to them.
Prevention and Control
There are two significant differences between fiscal policies designed to control already existing inflation and those designed to prevent inflation from afflicting an economy which at the time is free of inflation. The first difference relates to time horizon and the speed at which a policy measure is carried out. The second relates to the size of the change required in the relevant variables e.g. government expenditure, taxes, etc. Policies designed to control inflation have to have an impact now. They must be fast acting showing their results in a matter of months. This in turn may require big reduction in government expenditure, large increases in taxes, huge amounts of domestic borrowing etc. Given these measures successfully implemented over a short period of time aggregate demand will decrease and the trend of prices to rise will be checked. The big question is how far it is possible and desirable to do so.
Let us have a look at the way government decides how much to spend. Part of government expenditure relates to the core of governance, no government can function without these. They can be reduced if they are inflated but there is a limit to such reduction. Expenditure on salaries and offices of the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government come under this category. Then come the expenditure on defense and law and order, both permanently mandated by Shari'ah. The volume of expenditure on these heads may be dictated by circumstances beyond the government control e.g. geopolitical situation, moral degeneration, etc.
Reduction in Public Expenditure
It is only when we come to the other public goods and the welfare activities of the government that reduction in government expenditure becomes a real possibility. But the actual scope of such reduction depends on the historical path followed by (the increase in) government expenditure. Modern day governments have shown little ability to reduce expenditure on education and health care. For an Islamic state in a developing country the idea of reducing expenditure on education and health care is still the less appealing. This is in view of the priority of these items on the Islamic agenda and the neglect from which they suffered in the past. The most a developing country can manage to do is to prevent expenditure on these items from increasing further. Reducing the current levels of expenditure on education and health care are no where a real option. In fact any attempt to do so would be economically disastrous and politically suicidal for the regime.
It has been rightly observed that public expenditure increases as the national output increases, often at a faster rate. It is very difficult to envisage a reduction in public expenditure in an economy where the real output is increasing.
There is a strong case for reducing public expenditure when it is necessary to do so for controlling inflation. But the practical scope for doing so is very limited. If there is an across the board reduction in the salaries of government employees many of them may be forced to find better paid jobs in the private sector, even abroad, affecting the quality of the bureaucracy to the detriment of public interest. Reduction in ostentatious expenses on ceremonies, etc. may not involve significant amounts. As we hinted above, reduction in the expenditure on defense and internal security may not be practical. Some relief is expected from elimination of corrupt practices, bribes and kick backs. This will reduce the cost of doing business, expanding trade and investment and, ultimately, boosting production. These reforms may also reduce the cost of public projects, reducing government expenditure.
Increase in Tax Revenues
One should also consider the possibility of an Islamic state eliminating tax evasion and even coaxing people to pay 'donations' ---- over and above taxes --- to enable their government do good things for them. The likely gains in revenue terms are however, likely to be more than counterbalanced by two other inevitable changes. There are certain indirect taxes on basic necessities of life which Islamic economists regard to be antipoor and worth scrapping. Then there is mandatory lowering of tariffs and custom duties as part of ones belonging to a world set to reduce them globally.
Let us now turn to the other policy measure, withdrawal of purchasing power from the public through increased taxation and domestic borrowing not accompanied by a corresponding rise in public expenditure. This in fact is only a textbook proposition insofar as the developing countries are concerned. These countries are not able to meet even current levels of public expenditure through all the taxes and domestic borrowing they can manage, thereby taking recourse to printing new money. As regards an Islamic economy domestic borrowing ceases to be an option as no interest can be paid to the lenders. A resort to compulsory borrowing free of interest as suggested by some1 would be hardly feasible in political terms. Additional taxation with the sole purpose of withdrawing some purchasing power and freezing it implies that the money should be paid back when the time comes to defreeze it. That makes it akin to compulsory borrowing. There is no empirical evidence of any developing country ever having adopted these policies successfully.
Increasing the Supply of Goods and Services
That leaves us with the last option noted under the heading fiscal policy: spending money in a way that increases supply of goods and services. This spending does not have to be done by the government itself, at least not all of it. Tax reduction that encourages private investment may serve the same purpose. Lowering corporation taxes and lowering or scrapping capital gains taxes, even scaling down the income taxes may boost production by increasing the incentive to work and the incentive to save. Another possible measure is to restructure the subsidies, if any, in favor of the intermediate industries whose products are needed for expanding the production of consumer goods. Building the infrastructure --- roads, bridges, irrigation systems, electricity and telecommunication, etc. --- at public cost and making them available to the private sector at affordable prices has also been a favorite policy of mid-century developmental planning. These can be adopted after due consideration of the lessons from the past.
Even though each one of these policies is slow acting and of modest impact their cumulative impact over time would be significant. There can be no surer way to check the rising trend in prices than to arrange for increasing the supply of the very things whose prices are increasing. Fiscal policy has no other way to make a durable contribution to solve the problem of inflation since the two other options examined above are limited in scope and not practical. Unlike the impact of anti inflationary monetary policy which may be immediate but temporary, the impact of supply increasing fiscal policies is slow but durable.
In seems the scope for reducing public expenditure from their current levels is very limited insofar the contemporary Muslim countries are concerned. The same applies to the possibility of withdrawing purchasing power from the public without spending the proceeds. This leaves us with the slow acting option of trying to maneuver public expenditure and taxation in a way that increases the incentives to work, save and invest and / or directly contributes to increasing the supply of goods and services.
Moderation, Abolition of Interest and Zakat
We shall now proceed briefly to examine if the three other Islamic provisions noted above, i.e. moderation in consumption, abolition of interest and gambling and Zakat can play some role in controlling inflation.
In an already inflationary situation prices of necessities and other consumer goods would be rising. In such a situation people can not be expected to spend less in money terms as that would mean drastic reduction in their living standards. In fact they have to spend more to stay where they are. If current levels of consumption are perceived to be extravagant the most that can be expected in the name of moderation is for spending not to increase in money terms. As regards luxuries some additional revenue can be raised by increasing sales taxes with a view to reducing demand. But the rich who buy these goods may be the same people who become richer due to inflation. They could afford higher prices. Then there is always the danger of excessive taxes driving goods into the black market and increasing the incentive to evade taxes. In any case there is no empirical evidence of forced moderation having contributed to controlling inflation in a free market economy.
Abolition of interest and introduction of new arrangements for financial intermediation based on profit sharing will ensure financial stability. Savings will flow from households to firms smoothly through financial intermediaries who will be able to plough back to the savers attractive returns gotten from the businessmen. Abolition of gambling and the resulting curbs on speculation will further contribute to the stability of the financial system. A stable financial system is, however, a necessary but not a sufficient condition for price stability. Changes in technology and tastes may throw whole industries out of gear causing the levels of output, employment, and incomes to change despite a stable financial system. For a single country influx of foreign capital, favorable balance of payment or similar causes originating outside may cause the prices to rise by affecting the domestic money supply. What is more important for our purpose in this study is however, the fact that the change over form debt-finance to share-based finance will not by itself bring down prices. Inflationary prices boost business profits which will translate themselves in to higher profits (though not higher ratios of profit sharing) for financial intermediaries as well as for the savers / depositors. Profit-sharing may not necessarily feed the inflationary process but it shall not check it either. More direct intervention may be needed to rectify the situation. Redirection of investible funds by sectorally different ratios of profit-sharing or out right controls on incomes, profits and prices may become necessary in certain circumstances. But these options are outside the scope of this study.
The role of Zakat in reducing inequality in the distribution of income and wealth and thereby contributing to a change in the composition of aggregate demand that would make it more stable has already been noted above. Our focus now is the possible contribution of Zakat in bringing down prices when they are high and rising. It has been rightly pointed out that advance collection of Zakat due in the future and/or delaying the expenditure of Zakat proceeds till a more appropriate time can contribute to controlling inflation. It is also suggested that aggregate supply may be manipulated by collection and distribution of Zakat in kind.
Appropriate Policy Mix
The role of fiscal policy in controlling inflation shouldn't be discussed in isolation from the role of the monetary policy and exchange rate policy. The true picture can be obtained only by considering a mix of these policies in the context of a given situation. The size of a country's economy, the relative sizes of its domestic and external economies, the historical path through which an inflationary situation has come to hold are all important aspects of the situation. Also important is whether the chief source of inflation is in the labor market and/or goods market or in the money supply. The moral standards of the people, the level of corruption, the government's credibility and the degree of the people's trust in government too are forces to be reckoned with. Bereft of these data no meaningful study can be made on the role of fiscal policy in controlling inflation in an Islamic framework. The reason in simple. All the three terms appearing in our title: fiscal policy, inflation and Islamic framework derive their meaning - operational meaning - from these data.
Epilogue
The type of inflation experienced in early Islamic history was different in nature from the one experienced in twentieth century. More often than not the rise in prices was sharp but short lived. Instances of 'a sustained upward trend in the level of prices' are rare. There are, however, instances of a gradual rise in prices at a low rate caused by continued influx of gold and silver. Also there were brief spurts of rising prices due to the same cause as happened in the third and fourth decades of Islamic history. But most of the times it was climatic conditions or disruption in transportation that caused a failure in supply leading to sharp rise in food prices. Also in later Islamic history, especially after the disintegration of the Abbasids, it was debasement of currency, excessive issue of subsidiary (copper) coins (fulus) and circulation of large quantities of counterfeit that caused spurts of inflation. These, were, generally, localized and temporary. Protests from the populace often resulted in cancellation of new issues and rectification of debasement. No special measures are reported to counter the rise in prices due to influx of gold and silver. A fast expanding economy with widespread foreign trade was able to absorb the new money without serious problems.
Price rise caused by famine and disruption in supply caused great pain and suffering. Egypt during the Mamluk period was specially afflicted by these devastations as recorded, among others, by Maqrizi. If and when the situation did evoke a response from the authorities it was in the form of arranging additional supplies of food grains at public expense. Sometimes they also tried to ensure larger imports by reducing import duties.
Putting an end to debasement of currency and meeting rise in prices by arranging for increased supply are policies rooted in Islamic tradition, the difference in the nature of inflation notwithstanding. These policies are likely to evoke public cooperation as well as endorsement by the Ulama. The two other fiscal measures noted above, reduction in public expenditure (with welfare provisions bearing most of the cut) and increased taxation (and domestic borrowing) are doubly doomed. They are not practical. They have no roots in the Islamic past, hence they do not sound familiar, neither to the populace nor to the Ulama.
By Muhammad Nejatullah Siddiqi
www.islamic-world.net

Tuesday, March 8, 2011

The Economic Revelance of The Sharia Maxims (Al-Qawaid al-Fiqhiyah)

"Islamic economics is the knowledge and the application of the injunctions and the rules of the Sharia in regard to acquisition and disposal of the available resources for providing satisfaction to the individuals in order to enable them to perform their obligations to Allah' and the society".

In this definition the word injunctions signifies the prescriptive and the prohibitive injunctions of the Qur'an and the Sunna. The rules of the Sharia used in the definition signify the set of principles determined with precision and their subordinate legal maxims which the great Muslim jurists have derived from the Do's and Don'ts to ensure and to determine the Islamicity of any act, institution or policy. These rules are the systematic exposition of the spirit of the legal text (nass) intended to guide man towards different situations in human society throughout the ages. They provide broad contours within which policy making can be pursued and its validity judged. The legal maxims, on the other hand, are amenable to trade-offs and substitutions.

Before reproducing these rules and applying them, as far as possible, to contemporary economic situations and problems it is necessary to take care of the following precautions that are necessary to protect one from fallacious analogy, misleading over-confidence and lapse:

1.

Recourse may be made to reasoning based on these rules only if the Qur'an and the Sunna do not provide guidance on an issue. Consensus of early jurists (Ijma) also commands priority over the legal maxims. Injunctions of the Qur'an and instructions of the holy Prophet are also to be taken as a whole. The method of deriving conclusions from them are known and should be followed. Legal decisions based on them are contained in the compilations made by great jurists and scholars.

Jurists have also recorded the judgments and the opinions that are based on the consensus (Ijma) of early' ulama'. This leaves a large number of issues that require a decision keeping within the limits of the Sharia. For example, the legal opinion in regard to profit-sharing in a joint venture is that:

"Profit is to be distributed according to the agreement but loss is to be borne in proportion to capital contribution".

In this rule the ratio of the distribution of profit according to agreement can be reviewed in light of business conditions. It may be left to the partners to decide the ratios of profit-sharing or otherwise an Islamic government or central bank may fix a range within which the partners should share profits. The government may even lay down that, like losses profit-sharing would also follow the ratio of respective capital contributions by different partners. The liability of loss, however, has to be borne strictly in proportion of capital contribution since this rule enjoys the consensus of the scholars. The government has no right to change this ratio nor can the business partners make an agreement that violates the rule. Similarly in Bay 'salam advance payment of cash is a condition that has been laid down by consensus of 'Ulama'. Deferred payment or adjustment of price against loan is not permissible. It is the consensus of 'Ulama' that business partnerships/(Shirka and Mudaraba) are treated as legal forms of joint venture. Thus there can be disagreement about forming a joint stock limited liability company, a trust, a cartel, a syndicate or a corporation but the legality of Shirka and Mudaraba may not be doubted.
2.

It has to be fully kept in mind that all the injunctions of the Sharia seek to benefit human beings and eliminate harm. But those benefits and harms are not entirely left to the judgment of man. In a large number of cases those benefits and harms have been specified in the Qur'an and Hadith and should be made the criteria of judgment. In cases where benefits and harms are not pointed out human intellect will judge the virtue or vice of any act. Thus intellect would be guided by sound reasoning, experience, prevalent practice and sound judgment of scholars who have well understood the spirit of the Sharia and are scrupulous. Whether or not state trading- should be allowed depends largely on experience. Should there be a difference in the wages of different workers and in the pay scales of different categories of employees depends upon custom and prevalent practice. Should any industry be nationalized in the interest of the community depends upon sound judgment of competent persons. The Sharia prohibits those trades and activities that involve ignorance and uncertainty since they may lead to disputes, strife and animosity. It is sound judgment that will decide which forms of present day trades and activities should be prohibited and which should be allowed and protected by law.
3.

The exigencies of the situation sometimes require that a lawful act should be disallowed for perseverance of public interest. Similarly there are situations under which an unlawful act has to be tolerated during a short period of contingency. But of the two situations, allowing an unlawful act is much more serious than banning a lawful act. The safe and preferable way is to retain the essential illegality of the act even when it is unavoidable to have recourse to it under compulsion of circumstances government, for instance, may be compelled to pay interest on credit purchases of military hardware. Despite this compulsion, however, it should not be disregarded that payment of interest is unlawful and that serious thought should be given to eliminate that situation as quickly as possible.
4.

We are attempting here to identify only a few of the vast number of rules that the great jurists have laid down. Interpretation and application of these rules require thorough knowledge of Islamic law and jurisprudence. Emphasis on a single rule ignoring the total perspective, its scope, qualifications and limitations may often lead to a blunder. Such is the case that Muslim economists are advised to ignore these rules unless they are guided by reliable experts of Sharia. Nevertheless, possibility of error in interpretation and application by the author cannot be ruled out. The readers who may like to apply them ought to discuss their problems with scholars of authoritative competence on the subject rather than building upon this discussion.

With the above precautions the rules that seem to be relevant to economic policies and institutions may be briefly reproduced in the following pages. The discussion mostly contains the examples that early jurists have adduced. In some cases, however, examples or contemporary situations have also been added.

(1) Claim and Practice:

The Qur'an insists that Muslims should demonstrate consistency in faith and practice and in words and deeds (2:208: 24:51; 30:30; 33':70: 41:30; 61:2,3). It is this basic requirement that has led to the formation of a number of rules in the Sharra to determine and judge the relationship between intention and deed and between claims and acts.

The first legal maxim in this respect reads as following:

* "The basis of every order is the intention thereof a judgment based on an order should follow the intention and purpose of that order"

The rule embodied in this maxim has been applied by early jurists mostly on acts of rituals, but it is just as equally applicable to other spheres of activity. The liability of a person who finds somebody's goods lying in the way and picks it up will be contingent upon the intention with which he has picked it up. If he intends to hand it over to the owner and has made it known to' others he will be treated as a trustee and will not be required to indemnify the owner in case the property is destroyed while in his possession. But if he has kept it as owner he would be treated as a usurper, Ghasib, and will be required to indemnify the owner in case the property is destroyed. The rule is also amenable to performance of visibly different acts leading to the achievement of the same object. Let us take an example from our own times. Nationalization of financial institutions in some countries may be the result of political ambitions while in some others it may aim at correcting mismanagement and regulating credit; and yet in some other countries it may be aimed at preventing foreign tion. Nationalization in socialist countries has a deep-rooted philosophical basis and underlying rationale quite different from the one which prompts nationalization of key industries in non-socialist countries. On the other hand, different actions by different countries by way of granting rebates on export, making available easy credit to exporters, fixation of import tariffs, laying down licensing procedures and quota restrictions in connection with imports etc., may aim at achieving a common cause of improving the balance of payments position. The relationship between intention and act could further be elaborated by the following examples:

1.

A man makes an earning:
1.

For the satisfaction of his selfish urges.
2.

For personal consumption and demonstration effects.
3.

For complying with the divine command to earn for the sake of survival and spending on noble causes.

In all above cases the act is the same but the intention/object is different.
2.

A man may grow and sell grapes to the consumer or to the manufacturer of wine.
3.

A fanner may grow poppy for sale of seeds or to prepare opium or drugs. In all these cases it is the intention that determines the legality or illegality of the act or an individual.

The same is also true in the case of public policies. Inscription of sacred words on coins may intend to symbolize a distinctive feature or the inscription may be desecration of sacred words. The former may be acceptable but the latter would be treated to be offensive.

In short it is the intention of the government in carrying out an act or in making policy that matters.

The relationship between an act and intention could take the following forms:
1.

Acts/policies that are good in themselves and are actuated by good objectives/intentions. For example, a government might seek to promote public welfare through Zakat and charity funds, donations, government revenues and just and equitable taxes.
2.

Acts and policies that are not good in themselves but are resorted to for achieving commendable objectives. The instances that immediately come to mind are winking over smuggling in order to allow some people to earn their livelihood or mobilizing funds for charity by means of games of chance and by floating interest-bearing loans and bonds.
3.

Acts and policies that are actuated by objectionable intentions but lead to good results. An example is the nationalization of an industry or of an industrial unit with a view to harassing or black-mailing one's political opponents but the step might result in providing job security to workers, reduction in the prices of products, elimination of cut-throat competition and waste, and standardization of the products and avoidance of incongruent growth of industry.
4.

Objectionable intentions with objectionable policies. The example is conniving at smuggling of wine into the country for use by Muslims.

It will be found that form No.1 (good acts with good objectives) is an ideal situation and has to be pursued. Form No.4 is to be rejected outright. In Nos. 2 and 3, the government has to make amendment of policy in the former and of objective in the latter. It should be noted that the announced phraseology of the policy sometime betrays the implicit objectives. The government may announcece its policy of providing a house to each shelter less family but in practice it could be unaffordable by a shelter less man. It is actual acts and policies rather than proclamations that determine the intention. This is so because of a sub-rule which governs contractual obligations:

"Contracts are to be understood in relation to their intention and substance, not by the words and phrases used: so a bay bi'l-wafa' will be held as a mortgage",

Surety ship (kafala) implies coextensive liability while transfer of debt (hawala) implies discharge of the principal debtor. If a contract of transfer of debt (hawala) is made with the condition to hold the principal debtor liable in case the transferee fails to discharge the debt, contract even though termed as a contract of hawala will be treated as a contract of kafala. suretyship. Similar will be the treatment of a contract of kafala in case the principal debtor is discharged after contract of suretyship is signed.

In case a government issues a license to set up an industry, or start a trade or import some merchandise it will not be lawful to sell the license because the object of the license was the authorization to set up an industry or trade or purchase of goods but not to make the license itself an article of trade.

Likewise if the banks declare their policy of financing their clients on non-interest bases it would be necessary to do so and not merely continue the same practice and seeking to rationalize it in Islamic terms by changing the relevant nomenclature such as calling it "buy-back" or "mark-up".

It will not be permissible for the banks to practice Shirka and Mlidaraba in such a way as to ensure a fixed rate of return for the banks while the liability of bearing loss or an uncertain amount of remaining profit is transferred to the working partner.

To take another case, if the government allots plots of land to individuals with the object of providing accommodation for themselves the allottee will be al1olating the implicit terms of the agreement by converting it into a commercial or industrial site or by treating it as merchandise.

In case the government allots agricultural land to a farmer for the purpose of cultivation, the land will have to be used for the purpose for which it was allotted. This allotment will not confer absolute right authorizing the allottee to claim the royalty of sub-soil wealth if it has been found on exploration, nor will he be allowed to convert it into a forest or a commercial or residential area because these objectives are not covered under the terms of allotment.. Authorizing the possession and use \would not be stretched to imply a use which the owner does not intend to allow. Leaving land unused deprives the allottee his right over land.

(2) Doubt and Certainty:

The basic rule that resolves the conflict between doubt and certainty is contained in the principle:

"A belief amounting to conviction cannot be caused to disappear by a doubt".

The rule is based on a Quranic verses: "Most of them follow naught but conjecture. Assuredly, conjecture can by no means take the place of truth" (10:37). The Prophet (peace by upon him) also rejected entertaining doubts in the face of valid ablution (wudu). The rule thus discards the effect of doubt that disturbs the original position. This provides guidance where discretion or personal judgment and subjective evidence are relied upon; the rule is of great significance in the event of controversy on rights and obligations of contending parties in the absence of a proof on either side. The benefit of doubt arising out of a controversial position can never go to a person on whom the onus of proof lies; thus the position of an indebted person even after his death will not be affected by doubt as to a probable discharge of debt.

Similarly a claim as to the discharge of a debt will not be rejected on the basis of presumption to the contrary. A contract between two parties will be treated as binding even though there may be reasons to doubt its Fait Du jour. The rule, if read with its following subrules, provides a broader canvas of its application.

(a) "As to incorporeal matters-that do not prove themselves, the basic principle (presumption) is that they do not exist" : so that if between the active partner and the financier there be a dispute as to profit, the word of the active partner will be taken, and the financier may lead evidence to prove the actual profit."

In case a firm declares a particular amount of income during the year this will have to be accepted by the income tax authorities in the absence of evidence to the contrary. Thus doubts of the assesses statement cannot be unilaterally or arbitrarily sustained unless the income statement filed by the assesses is proved to be containing discrepancies. Business partners whether individual or banks will also be required to accept it for purpose of sharing the profit. The rejection of this declaration would require convincing proof.

In the case of a dispute over defective merchandise the above sub-rule requires presumption of defect occurrence after sale unless the buyer could prove prior presence thereof.

Similarly, a partner has no right to assume a minimum rate of profit earned by his business partner and claim his share in that profit as different from the amount stated to have been actually earned by the partner. The sub-rule provides that in case the working partner declares a certain amount of profit no more will be presumed unless the contrary is proved to be a fact.

(b) The above sub-rule is further strengthened by another sub-rule that "no reliance (should be made) on mere imagination"

(c) Another rule is that of 'freedom from obligation : so that if one destroys the property of another, and they differ as to the extent of damage, the word of the person destroying may be taken, but the owner of the property may bring evidence to prove the excess.

Thus in case of loss in business a partner cannot allege willful neglect and require the latter to indemnify him for the loss. Unless he proves the contrary. Failing this proof the partner will not be personally made liable to the loss or to indemnify the other partner. Any doubt affecting his position of freedom from liability will be untenable. No arbitrary judgment of the contender would be acceptable.


www.islamic-world.net

Sunday, January 30, 2011

Britain's a world-leader in sharia banking - but we haven't grasped the sinister and dangerous implications

MELANIE PHILLIPS, WRITING EXCLUSIVELY FOR MAIL ONLINE

Worried that Britain is going bankrupt? Cheer up – we’re about to be bought up by the Islamic world.

A report by International Financial Services London reveals that Britain’s Islamic banking sector is now bigger than that of Pakistan.

The study says that the UK has by far the largest number of banks for Muslims of any western country.
islamic bank of britain

Increasing demand: Growing numbers of non-Muslims are turning to Islamic banking - but at what cost?

The UK now has five fully ‘sharia-compliant’ banks – providing products which prohibit interest payments and investment in alcohol or gambling firms in accordance with Islamic sharia law – while another 17 leading institutions including Barclays, RBS and Lloyds Banking Group have set up special branches or subsidiary firms for Muslim clients.

The $18billion (£12bn) in assets of Britain’s Islamic banks are said to dwarf those of Muslim states such as Pakistan, Bangladesh, Turkey and Egypt. And there are also 55 colleges and professional institutions offering education in Islamic finance in Britain – more than anywhere else in the world.

This development has been actively pushed by the government. When he was Chancellor of the Exchequer, Gordon Brown declared that he wanted London to become the global centre of Islamic banking. You can obviously see the attraction, especially in these straightened times. But the only thing our politicians and bankers appear to see is the seductive prospect of trillions of pound and dollar signs dancing before their bedazzled eyes.

What they refuse to acknowledge is the real price that is to be paid for this. They don’t understand that the spread of sharia banking in Britain and America is a significant part of the attempt to Islamise Britain and America. Acceptance of sharia finance furthers the Islamist objective of gradually legitimising Islamic sharia law more generally in the west.

The point which is being missed is that all who use it must conform to the dictates of sharia law. Sharia financial institutions may not be making this clear now – they don’t want to frighten people away – but at some point that IOU of sharia-compliance will be called in. This is how sharia-compliance will be spread to both the Muslim and non-Muslim population.

Any Western institution that endorses sharia-compliant products therefore effectively endorses the extremist ideology behind it of conquering the west for Islam, whether it knows it or not.

The most important point to grasp is that Islam recognises no authority superior to sharia. Sharia banks will therefore not recognise the superior authority of the law of the land. When trillions of pounds and dollars are locked into them, who will argue with them?

Even more troubling is the potential cover provided by sharia finance for the financing of terrorism. Sharia requires Muslims to tithe a percentage of their money to charity, called ‘zakat’.

But charity in Islam is more like solidarity. So some of this money donated to Islamic charities may well find its way to organisations promoting jihad and supporting suicide bombing including Hamas, Hezbollah, the families of Palestinian suicide bombers and Islamist madrassas in places like Pakistan.
Muslim women

Sharia finance: The UK now has five fully 'sharia-compliant' banks

Only certain Islamic authorities are entitled to issue the religious rulings or fatwas that can recognize investments as sharia-compliant. But the people and institutions making the decisions about where this money is sent are themselves often highly questionable.

These include the Fiqh Academy in Jedda, Saudi Arabia, which is associated with the Saudi-dominated Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC); the European Council for Fatwa Research, and the Fatwa Council of North America. All of these are associated with the radical Wahabi and Salafi schools of Islam adhered to by groups such as al Qaeda and Hamas.
Radical cleric Sheikh Yusuf Qaradawi, who says suicide bombings are a religious duty in Israel and Iraq, is recognized as an expert in sharia-compliant investments.

Members of the Accounting and Auditing Organisation for Islamic Financial Institutions include the central banks of designated terrorist states Iran and Sudan along with finance houses implicated in funding al Qaeda, according to former U.S. counter-terror official Richard Clarke’s testimony to a commission investigating the terror attacks on the US.

And in any event, the very idea that sharia finance is necessary for Muslims living in the west is untrue. Indeed, Islamic countries have used and still use interest. The Ottoman Empire used it; and interest is permitted even in Saudi Arabia. In 1981 Sheikh Tantawi, the prominent Islamic legal authority at al Azhar university, Cairo, issued a fatwa justifying the charging of interest.

What has to be understood is that sharia finance is simply a modern jihadi strategy to help Islamise Britain’s institutions and society. It was devised in the mid-20th century by the ideologues who promoted the radical Islamism that threatens us today.

They advocated sharia finance as element of a separate, self-sustained Islamic order with its own Islamic ideology, Islamic politics and Islamic economics that taken together would guarantee an Islamic way of life and ultimately the Islamic state as the first step toward establishing Muslim rule worldwide.

As Britain’s government and banks congratulate themselves on the stunning growth of sharia banking in the UK, do any of them have the slightest understanding of what they are doing?

Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/debate/article-1141087/Britains-world-leader-sharia-banking--havent-grasped-sinister-dangerous-implications.html#ixzz1CWuThOcx


www.dailymail.co.uk

Sharia banking grows strong in Indonesia

Iwan Suci Jatmiko, Contributor, Jakarta

It was with good reason that the Indonesian Ulema Council and the government established PT Bank Muamalat Indonesia on Nov. 1, 1991. Such a move was welcomed by the public, which invested Rp 84 billion in shares when the bank was established.

The people of West Java also showed their support by injecting Rp 106 billion into the bank. Although its business was not too bright in its early days, the bank recorded a profit of Rp 372.5 billion in the second quarter of 2009. The achievement of Bank Muamalat is proof of the great potential of sharia banking in Indonesia. Sharia banking is based on Islamic law.

The fact that Indonesia has the world’s largest Muslim population creates a huge market for sharia banking, and Bank Muamalat became the pioneer that made a breakthrough in the existing concept of banking.

Huge potential for sharia banking still exists in the country. Bank Indonesia data reveals there are currently five sharia banks operating in the country, namely Bank Syariah Mandiri, Bank Muamalat Indonesia, Bank Syariah Mega, Bank Syariah Bukopin and Bank Syariah BRI. Twenty-six other banks have sharia banking units, such as Bank Permata, Bank BNI, Bank CIMB-Niaga, Bank Danamon and BPD DKI.

The country’s Muslims, accounting for 80 percent of the estimated 240 million population, are the target market of sharia banking. This means that 31 sharia banks or bank with sharia units are available to serve about 192 million Muslims.

Major conventional banks are also interested in establishing sharia banking units due to the huge potential in the country. Bank Indonesia predicts that sharia banks will enjoy business growth of between 5 and 5.5 percent this year due to high consumer spending and exports.

“Banks based on Islamic law are predicted to enjoy further growth in 2010,” said Darmin Nasution, acting governor of Bank Indonesia, as quoted by BI deputy governor Budi Mulya at a seminar on sharia banking in Indonesia last month. Darmin added that sharia banks would continue to flourish due to the organic growth within existing banks and the establishment of new sharia banks and units.

Another reason for the growth potential of sharia banks is their ability to attract customers from conventional banks due to the impact of the global financial crisis. The universal principles held by sharia banks also make the growth possible. Hence, more and more customers are turning to sharia banks.

The profit sharing concept offered by sharia banks is attractive to most businesspeople in Indonesia.

This method makes it possible for a customer to benefit from a loan. In conventional banking, a customer must pay interest on a loan regardless of whether the business is successful or not.

However, with the sharia profit sharing concept the customer will not have to bear the burden of paying interest if his or her business fails.

Sharia banking products are also varied and no less attractive than conventional banks’ products.

Bank Syariah Mandiri, for example, makes available various savings products, such as personal, haj, education, time deposit and so forth. Naturally, the bank also offers various types of loans based on the profit sharing sharia concept.

It is predicted that more sharia banks will come into existence soon to compete with the five already established as the public is now more aware of the superior features of sharia banks. Among the banks that have applied to open sharia banks are: Bank BCA Syariah, Bank Jabar-Banten Syariah, Bank BNI, Bank Victoria and Bank Panin Syariah. Some bank authorities are targeting 26 percent growth for sharia banks with the assumption that the growth is based on organic growth.

Mulya Siregar, Bank Indonesia deputy director, said on Dec. 8, 2009 at a seminar on Islamic banking that sharia banks could grow by a maximum of 81 percent for asset ownership, adding that such growth could only be achieved if related government regulations supported the growth.

If government regulations did not fully support it, he said, growth would only be about 43 percent, which was based on the contribution of new players or new banks in this sector.

Bank BRI Syariah president director Ventje Raharjo also has a similar view on regulations, especially on the taxation applied to sharia banks. He said the taxes should be more lenient in this case.

“Sharia banks need to be given certain incentives, such as leniency in taxation and a lower ratio of capital ownership, or there should be a sharia banking development allocation in the state budget,” he said.

The success of sharia banking in Indonesia has also attracted some foreign banks, although currently only HSBC has a sharia unit, called HSBC Amanah. Mulya Siregar, Bank Indonesia’s head of Islamic finance, said there were strong rumors that new banks from Malaysia and Bahrain would establish sharia branches here.

In the midst of waning customer trust in particular conventional banks, sharia banks seem to provide a safer alternative for customers. However, along with the huge potential and many opportunities for sharia banks there are also challenges facing them as they still have to educate customers about the superior features and products of sharia banks that are equal to or better than those of conventional banks.


www.thejakartapost.com

Monday, January 17, 2011

Sharia Banking Comes to Germany

Financial services compatible with Islamic rules—already available in Britain—soon will launch in Germany. France and Switzerland are watching with interest

There are four million Muslims living in Germany. They eat, drink and pray in accordance with the precepts of the Prophet Muhammad. But when it comes to monetary transactions, the principles of the Koran have played hardly any role in Germany. That is about to change.

Early next year, the first Islamic bank in Germany to offer products that are in compliance with Sharia law will open its doors. The bank, Kuveyt Türk Beteiligungsbank, will open a branch in the downtown area of Mannheim, a city in western Germany, and branches in other cities are also planned.

The regulators with Germany's Federal Financial Services Authority, known as BaFin, recently issued a limited license to the subsidiary of a Turkish-Kuwaiti bank. It is only permitted to collect funds that are transferred to accounts in Turkey that conform to Islamic rules.

In other countries, the banking industry initially catered to Muslims on an equally small scale. But less than 10 years after first entering the market, all major banks in Great Britain now have Islamic divisions, and there are also five Islamic banks in the country.

The Prophet Muhammad's Prohibition of Interest

Worldwide, assets worth well over $700 billion (€470 billion) are now being managed in accordance with Islamic principles. In Germany, on the other hand, virtually no banks have so far even addressed this market.

The underlying concept of the Islamic banking business is the Prophet Muhammad's prohibition of interest. Like Jesus in the New Testament, Muhammad took action against the usurers of his time, who exploited their contemporaries by charging them exorbitant interest, sometimes well over 100 percent. Muhammad summarily prohibited charging interest unless something was provided in return. Since the 1970s, Islamic banks have sought to satisfy this requirement by offering their customers financial services on the basis of interest-free transactions.

Instead of interest, customers are promised a share in the profits of the bank. However, commercial activities can also be financed in which the Islamic saver collects a surcharge at a level similar to conventional interest.

Instead of taking out a loan to build a new factory, for example, a company would offer its investors a share of its profits. The important aspect of all of these transactions conducted in the name of Allah is that they are in fact based on a real exchange of goods or services. "The connection to reality must be clear," says Michael Saleh Gassner, a financial expert with the Central Council of Muslims in Germany.

Since the financial crisis, the principles of Islamic investors have also attracted the interest of conservative Christian investors. After all, the underlying concept seems so pleasantly removed from the speculative greed of Western financial executives.

Besides, the stock indexes that contain companies selected according to Islamic principles have sometimes outperformed comparable indexes without the religious association. Sharia-compliant banking transactions are "in a position to assume a global leadership role," says Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, president of the world's most populous Islamic country, Indonesia.

No Investment in Gambling or Sex Trade

Investments that comply with the Koran still represent only 1 percent of the total market, but the market is growing is by 15 to 20 percent a year. Customers from the oil-rich Persian Gulf region, in particular, insist that their capital must be invested in accordance with religious criteria.

In addition to the prohibition of interest, it is also important to ensure that funds are not invested in gambling or the sex trade. Companies that are heavily in debt are excluded, because the large amount of interest they pay is seen as the work of the devil.

The Munich-based insurance giant Allianz (AZ) and Deutsche Bank (DB) have set up funds and certificates to satisfy Sharia-based criteria, but these products are only actively marketed in Islamic countries. "It is a business requirement in the Gulf region to offer products that conform to Sharia," says Hussein Hassan of Deutsche Bank in Dubai. The bank's Gulf region division is already responsible for 20 to 25 percent of profits.

There is no absolute certainty over which transactions conform to the principles of the Koran. Banks address the problem by appointing well-known Islamic scholars to so-called Sharia supervisory boards, which examine all bank products. In the Gulf region, there are about 10 religious scholars who provide consulting to almost every major Western bank and now have their own large staffs.

This leads to the creation of quasi-religious rating agencies, whose pronouncements have many a London investment banker shaking in his boots. Because different religious leaders interpret the Koran in every country, Deutsche Bank has appointed different Sharia supervisory boards for its businesses in Malaysia, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf region.

Markets Paralyzed by a Fatwa

It is clear that clerics can paralyze entire markets with a fatwa, as Muhammad Taqi Usmani demonstrated in 2007. The renowned religious scholar from Pakistan decided that most modern versions of Islamic bonds, known as Sukuks, were not in compliance with Sharia. He imposed a ban, which affected a booming market in which governments, real estate developers and companies raised about $50 billion in capital in 2007 alone.

The business collapsed. The Dubai-based real estate developer Nakheel is currently fighting to survive. The company had borrowed $3.5 billion to build dozens of artificial islands off the Dubai coast for tenants like football star David Beckham. In December, it will become clear whether the largest Sukuk ever issued can be disbursed. Muslims worldwide hope that Dubai will intervene on behalf of the borrower.

This investment sector is at least showing initial signs of recovery. Deutsche Bank introduced two Sukuks, for the Kingdom of Bahrain and for the Islamic Development Bank, into the market this year. Within a few years, the German bank has become one of the major players in the Islamic banking business. Its investment bankers are considered to be particularly creative when it comes to complying with the interest prohibition, while nevertheless offering investors the greatest possible security.

"The products the investment bankers dream up are sometimes bizarre," says Volker Nienhaus, the president of the University of Marburg in western Germany, who has been studying the Islamic banking industry for 30 years. The circumvention of interest stimulates the fantasy of financial engineers, says Nienhaus. For example, an important part of the platinum trade on London's derivatives exchange is indirectly attributable to Sharia. Because platinum, unlike gold and silver, was not a means of payment in Muhammad's day, the precious metal is now used as collateral for short-term financial transactions.

With some creative finesse, a surprising number of Western financial products can be executed in accordance with Islamic law. "The key Sharia products could be offered in Germany," says Robert Elsen, an advisor in BaFin's international division. According to Elsen, there are "no insurmountable obstacles."

Inspired by the British Model

The German financial regulators plan to host a major international conference next week in Frankfurt am Main to address the issue in Germany. If only to attract more business to German markets, BaFin, inspired by the success of the British model, is now eager to approve more financial institutions that offer Islamic products.

Although the Islamic banks were originally established for wealthy Arabs from the Gulf region, British Muslims are now among their most devoted customers. There is also political support for the development of Islamic financial centers in Paris, Zurich and Geneva.

So far the boom has bypassed Germany, despite the results of new studies showing that no other country in Western Europe has such a large Muslim population. The official explanation is that the Turks living in Germany are not particularly interested. But German financial professionals also fear that they could lose more of their existing customers by introducing Sharia-compliant products than gain new customers.

That argument, says Zaid el-Mogadeddi of the Frankfurt-based Institute for Islamic Banking, is pretty arrogant. He cites surveys that conclude that 75 percent of all Muslims in Germany would like to avail of Islamic financial products. According to Mogadeddi, between 1995 and 2002 Turks lost many billions of euros with "Islamic" shares in companies that had been floated by swindlers, and they now have a strong interest in products from established banks.

Islam-compliant real estate financing arrangements are considered particularly promising. In these situations, banks and customers purchase real estate together, with the customer contributing a share corresponding to his equity. The bank pays rent for the rest, gradually acquiring the remaining shares. As a result, no interest accrues, but the property acquisition tax is charged twice.

Sharing the Risk

The same problem used to exist in the UK. Then Prime Minister Gordon Brown, who was finance minister at the time, insightfully abolished the double tax burden. The Central Council for Muslims is now calling for similar measures to be taken in Germany.

A second stumbling block can also be removed with a bit of good will. Under Sharia law, Muslims who deposit money with a bank must also participate in the bank's risk. But what happens to the deposit insurance, which is set by the government? It comes into effect when a bank becomes insolvent. In fact, consumer advocates across the board have welcomed a recent increase in the deposit insurance limit to €50,000.

In Great Britain, a Muslim customer can expressly waive the insurance of his deposits in an individual agreement. The fact that the British government, in the course of the financial crisis, has nationalized entire banks is probably something like an Act of God under Islamic law. At any rate, there are no signs so far that a significant number of Sharia supporters have legally challenged the government's bailout of their bank.

Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan

Provided by Spiegel Online—Read the latest from Europe's largest newsmagazine


www.businessweek.com

Sharia Banking Conquers Europe

From the desk of Thomas Landen on Tue, 2009-03-24 11:53

All over Europe Islamic banks are establishing branches, Western banks are offering Sharia-compliant financial services, and European governments are trying to outcompete each other in welcoming them. Proponents of banking along the lines of Sharia (Islamic law) claim that the Islamic banking system is “more ethical” than the West’s capitalist system. This is not true. Unfortunately, however, in our age of crashing financial markets, many Westerners – not just the traditional anti-capitalist European left – seem very eager to buy that argument.

Early this month, even the Vatican newspaper Osservatore Romano voiced its approval of Sharia banking. “The ethical principles on which Islamic finance is based may bring banks closer to their clients and to the true spirit which should mark every financial service,” the paper said in a downright stupid and “unethical” article published on March, 4.

The article, entitled “Islamic finance proposals and ideas for the West in crisis” [pdf] suggests that the basic rules of Islamic finance could relieve suffering markets and particularly international financial systems. It says that in the current atmosphere of crisis banks should take Muslims as an example and that the Islamic finance system may pave the way for the establishment of new rules in the Western world.

Islamic or Sharia banks differ from regular banks in two major ways. As commanded in the Koran, the charging of interest is prohibited in all monetary transactions. The other defining feature of Islamic banks is that they are supervised by a board of Islamic scholars and clerics whose job it is to ensure that the banks’ activities comply with Sharia law.

Its proponents argue that Islamic banking is “ethically superior” to the capitalist principles of the “materialistic” West because, as Giovanni Maria Vian, the editor of Osservatore Romano says, Sharia banks take “the human dimension of the economy” into account.

The two dirty secrets of Islamic banking, however, are that, like all banks, Sharia banks do charge interest – they just give it another name – and that the clerics supervising the banks have ties to extremist, even terrorist, groups which work towards the Islamization of Europe and world dominance.

Helena Christofi, an expert on Sharia banking, explains that Islamic banks extend a type of Islamic “credit,” called murabaha, that shifts risk to the borrower in a manner similar to interest.

“An Islamic bank granting murabaha credit to a customer for an automobile, for example, would purchase the automobile for the customer for $15,000 and the customer would owe the bank $20,000 in a year’s time. Similarly, under the ‘diminishing musharaka’ credit, the Islamic version of a mortgage, the bank and the customer purchase the property together. The customer must make monthly payments to the bank and pay a monthly rental fee, both based on the portion of the purchase price the bank still owns. Ironically, the interest this amounts to ranges between one and two percent higher than the interest on a conventional mortgage. Although the resale price of the vehicle and the rent paid on the house are akin to simple interest charges, the banks’ sharia boards legitimate the charges by renaming them ‘commissions’ or ‘profits.’”

The Sharia boards supervising the Islamic banks and Sharia-compliant financial services offered by regular European banks are composed of members of the European Council for Fatwa and Research. This Council is headed by Sheik Yousef Al-Qaradawi, a leader of the Muslim Brotherhood and instigator and financier of terrorism in Europe and the Middle East. Both Al-Qaradawi and the Council have expressed their hope that “Islam will return to Europe as a conqueror.”

With ever larger Muslim populations there is a growing internal demand for an “ethical alternative” to conventional banking for Muslims. A 2006 poll by Lloyds Trustee Savings Bank in Britain found that over 75% of British Muslims want Sharia-compliant banking products, while in 2005 Mufti Abdul Barkatullah, Sharia adviser to Lloyds TSB and an imam at a North London mosque reported that 20% of inquiries into Islamic products at Lloyds TSB came from non-Muslims who have bought the argument that conventional capitalist banking is somehow unethical.

Alun Williams, marketing director of the Islamic Bank of Britain, established in 2004 and one of the first Sharia banks in Europe, told The Guardian (April 2, 2005):

“Our biggest appeal outside the Muslim community will be to those who feel disenfranchised by, and bitter about, mainstream banks. […] Non-Muslims are fascinated by us, the more so because we intend offering […] an ethical dimension.”

That was four years ago. Meanwhile, Islamic banking has boomed all over Europe and interest from non-Muslims has grown in the wake of the financial crisis, which some, such as the Vatican paper, claim is due to the free-market model having “grown too much and badly in the past two decades.”

Sharia principles, however, not only prohibit the collection and payment of interest and investing in companies involved in gambling, alcohol, tobacco, pornography and the production of pork, but also forbid women from opening bank accounts without their husband’s approval. How “ethical” the latter is for the non-Muslims “fascinated” by Sharia banking is unclear. However, Western banks offering Sharia-compliant services to non-Muslims do not seem to insist on barring women. According to Christofi,

“The justification for replacing capitalism with the Islamic model is based on an intentional corruption of Sharia law, but the banks’ clerics don’t seem to mind undermining their theological philosophy, since the ethical image their misrepresentation has created for Islamic banking has managed to spread Islamic ideology to non-Muslims in Britain. According to Al-Qaradawi, Islam’s ideological infiltration into the West will be the vehicle through which it will establish an Islamic government over the entire globe.”

Although Al-Qaradawi and other members of the European Council for Fatwa and Research are connected to Islamist circles, the British government continues to promote the UK as a hub for Islamic banking. Western governments welcome Sharia-compliant banking because of the huge sums this attracts from Muslim immigrants, “ethically”-driven non-Muslims, and investors from Muslim countries.

In December 2008, the French Senate looked at ways to eliminate legal hurdles for Islamic financial services and products in France. French Finance Minister Christine Lagarde announced France’s intention to make Paris “the capital of Islamic finance” and said several Islamic banks would open branches in the French capital in 2009. French sources estimate this area of the financial market is worth from 500 to 600 billion dollars and could grow by an average 11 percent a year.

In July 2007, Wouter Bos, the Dutch Finance Minister (and leader of the Dutch Labour Party), said the Dutch government actively encourages Islamic banking, despite the risk that this acts as a Trojan horse in the Western banking system for groups linked to terrorists.

“In the first place because Islamic banking meets a demand from the Muslims living in the Netherlands. In the second place because we see an opportunity here for the Dutch financial sector. A third reason is that banning Islamic banking from the perspective of fighting terrorism will have a counter-productive effect. Denial of an actual need can lead to money-flows running via alternative channels out of the sight of the government.”

Switzerland, too, wants its share of Sharia banking. Years ago, Swiss banks already opened branches in the Middle East, offering worldwide Sharia-compliant financial products to wealthy Arabs.

In October 2006, the Swiss authorities granted a banking license to the first Switzerland-based bank that operates according to Sharia principles. Others have followed. “There are simply not enough financial products being created in the West for Muslim clients,” says John Sandwick, managing director of Swiss asset management firm Encore Management. “If no effort is made whatsoever, I am afraid the world will pass Switzerland by in the race to control the rich prize: which today is worth hundreds of billions, but in the future will be trillions of dollars of Islamic wealth.” Michael Fouad Chahine of Credit Suisse says “The development of Islamic banking has so far been limited to countries with a higher percentage of Muslims. But this is changing as more international regulators accept the importance of Sharia. It is now also accepted as socially responsible banking.”

How “socially responsible” and “ethical” is it to try to grab a share of the billions of dollars amassed by rich Arabs, while turning a blind eye to the fact that a substantial part of the money is used to promote terrorism and the establishment of an Islamic government over the entire globe?

In one of his sermons, Sheikh Al-Qaradhawi, one of the supervisors of the Sharia-compliant financial services offered in Britain, speaks of “the conquest of Rome.” In view of the recent article of the Osservatore Romano, Al-Qaradhawi’s words sound rather ominous:

“The city of Hirqil [Constantinople] was conquered by the young 23-year-old Ottoman Muhammad bin Morad, known in history as Muhammad the Conqueror, in 1453. The other city, Romiyya [Rome], remains, and we hope and believe [that it too will be conquered]. This means that Islam will return to Europe as a conqueror and victor, after being expelled from it twice […]. In one of my previous programs, I said that I think that this conquest [of Rome] would not be by the sword or armies, but by preaching and ideology. Europe will see that it suffers from materialistic culture, and will seek an alternative, it will seek a way out, it will seek a lifeboat. It will find no lifesaver but the message of Islam.”

Will the Vatican Bank be the next to go Sharia?


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